Tuesday, February 7, 2012

[ZESTCaste] Mayawati – the untouchable idol of India's most populous state

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/feb/07/mayawati-profile-uttar-pradesh-chief-minister?newsfeed=true

Mayawati – the untouchable idol of India's most populous state

Mayawati Kumari, a heroine of the poor or a 'megalomaniac' populist,
is seeking re-election as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh

Jason Burke
Jason Burke in Lucknow
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 7 February 2012 16.00 GMT

When they hear the helicopter, the women, impassive during the
previous hour of speeches, start to move. It hovers above them and
they stand on their seats; when it lands, blasting a wave of dirt that
pulls at their cheap nylon saris, they raise their arms. "Behenji
zindabad! Long live our loved and respected sister!" they shout.

A fancy 4x4 vehicle approaches the helicopter, and a short, dowdy
56-year-old woman in a thick brown coat steps from the aircraft. The
car drives her the 50 metres to where the wellwishers wait, and then
Mayawati Kumari – "Behenji" (sister) to her supporters and a
dangerous, megalomanic populist to her critics – waves to the crowd
and sits down on the sofa placed centre stage.

Mayawati, who usually goes by just the one name, is seeking a second
five-year term as the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, India's most
populous state. The state is so large – with a population of 190
million, it would be the fifth biggest country in the world if
independent – that the polls, which open on Wednesday, are staggered
over a month to allow sufficient security forces to be deployed.

The logistical difficulties are exacerbated by extreme poverty. Apart
from where Uttar Pradesh abuts the capital Delhi, the new "Shining
India" is nowhere to be seen. Instead, poverty levels are worse than
much of sub-Saharan Africa. There is violence and discrimination,
particularly on the basis of caste – the ancient but tenacious social
hierarchy based originally on occupation – but also due to gender.

While politics here is often violent and corrupt, the votes of the
women in their cheap multi-coloured saris do matter – which is why
Mayawati has travelled to Gonda, a small town in the north of the
state, to talk to them.
Forbidden

Mayawati was born in 1956 in a village at the other end of Uttar
Pradesh, 400 miles away. She is, to use a local word denoting local,
authentic, south Asian or Indian, thoroughly desi. Her father was a
low-ranking government clerk. He was also a Dalit, from the lowest
group of castes in the hierarchy. Once known as untouchables, the
Dalits, despite huge affirmative action programmes in recent decades,
still face deep discrimination.

While less evident in the big cities visited by most tourists (though
most menial staff at hotels are Dalit), in the villages they usually
till land owned by higher castes but live separately, often forbidden
to share the village's well, school or cemetery. It was in such a
village that Mayawati was born.

By the time she was eight, her family had moved to a resettlement
colony for Dalits outside Delhi, Jugghi Jupri colony or Shack
Township, which had no sanitation or power. Now the colony is part of
Delhi's vast sprawl: the scrubby wasteland where former neighbours
describe Mayawati tending the family's four buffaloes is long gone.
There are now about 100,000 people crammed into teetering six storey
tenements. Sewage flows through narrow lanes and hawkers sell fruit
among cows rummaging through plastic bags. The proportion of Dalits
remains the same, said Mann Chand, a hawker there since 1972.

Ganga Warsi, 55, still lives opposite where Mayawati spent most of her
childhood, a small plot now occupied by a tenement. He remembers the
second sibling of three girls and six boys as being serious and
feisty: "I never saw her playing. Between school, the buffalo and
housework, there was not much time."

Mayawati already knew what caste meant. Her family was "chamar",
tanners and leatherworkers – among the most unclean of all. Warsi
recalled how a teenage Mayawati was shooed away from a communal tap
because she was a chamar.

"She got into a huge fight. And it happened often. People would try
not to get in an argument with her," Warsi said.

Politics was an uncertain path without prestige, and her father pushed
the young Mayawati to study for civil service exams. A diligent but
not particularly inspired student, according to biographer Ajoy Bose,
she took on part-time teaching work in private colleges to pay for her
own further education.

At 21, however, came an epiphany. The late 1960s and 70s had seen a
growing political mobilisation of Dalits. In Jugghi Jupri colony,
regular meetings were held to read the works and celebrate the life of
Bhimrao Ambedkar, a Dalit leader and jurist who had drafted much of
the Indian constitution.

At one such event, held in the scruffy brick community centre which
still stands, Mayawati, in an astonishing breach of the code of
deference in Indian society, harangued an older, male, upper caste,
senior politician from the dominant Congress party. His party had done
nothing for people like her except patronise them, she told him.

News of the scene reached a charismatic fringe activist for Dalit
rights called Kanshi Ram. Nearly 20 years older than Mayawati, he was
to forge a close, though probably platonic, partnership with her.
After meeting Kanshi Ram, who died in 2006, Mayawati in effect
disowned her father, left her studies and moved in with her political
mentor. "It was a scandal," said Bala Ram, 60, a family friend.

There followed 10 years of political activism, its agenda was
supposedly national but focused increasingly on Uttar Pradesh.

This was logical. Not only was Mayawati from the state but the vast,
desperately poor swath of land from Delhi along the northern plains
was fertile political ground.

In 1984 Kanshi Ram formed the Bahujan Samaj ("people in majority")
Party (BSP). The name refers to all those who are not high caste –
described in BSP literature as exploitative oppressors. The party met
with relatively rapid success. Affirmative action and steady if slow
economic growth had created a new class of educated Dalits. These
gravitated to the party. But it was by addressing thousands of
meetings, often cycling from one to the other, and mobilising the very
poor that Mayawati made her breakthrough.

Votes from the Muslim community, often as disadvantaged as the Dalits,
helped. Though early attempts failed, by 1989 Mayawati had won a seat
in the national assembly, the Lok Sabha, where her casual dress,
popular language, traditionally oiled hair and often aggressive
posturing met with contemptuous indignation from the established,
often upper caste elite who still dominated Indian politics. Some
complained that Mayawati smelled of sweat.

The real focus of her campaign however remained Uttar Pradesh.
Politics in the state is a chaotic melée of caste, religion, money and
brute strength. In 1995 a fortuitous arrangement of votes and tactical
alliances made Mayawati chief minister of Uttar Pradesh for the first
time. Though described as "a miracle of democracy" by the then prime
minister, her reign lasted only three months. She had just long enough
to give hundreds of Dalits official posts and commission a vast new
park in honour of famous Dalits in central Lucknow, the state capital.
She also purged the police force and enforced laws against caste-based
violence.

In 1997, Mayawati was back, though for only six months. In 2002, came
a third stint in charge, this time lasting just over a year. Finally
in 2007, after almost exactly two decades of brutal, messy, complex
political manoeuvring and activism, the BSP, already a power broker at
a national level, won a landslide victory in Uttar Pradesh.

Those who have worked with her describe her political tactics as blunt
in the extreme. "The shortest route from A to B, always, and with
maximum application of effort," said a former aide. The methods were
apparently effective. There was even a moment when she was spoken of
as a potential prime minister in 2009.

But in her five years of power, critics say, Mayawati has become like
other rulers. She is thus now likely to suffer from the powerful swing
against incumbents common in Indian politics. She has cut herself off
from the masses, reporters in the state say, and lives in a vast
Lucknow residence which, like her party HQ next door, has high walls
and gun turrets. Few personal details are known about her.

She is unmarried, is not known to have any sentimental attachment,
sees her family infrequently and has no known pastimes. She relies on
a few key lieutenants. Dissent from a bureaucrat, let alone a party
worker, is not tolerated. The final word is always hers. There is no
cabinet as such. There is little consultation.

"She shows a mix of megalomania and paranoia," said Ramachandra Guha,
a historian and political analyst. "She believes everyone is out to
get her but she can beat them."
Edifice

The most visible signs she will leave if ousted are the extraordinary
monuments she has had built. These are vast, featuring huge expanses
of marble, red sandstone elephants (the BSP symbol), a giant mausoleum
flanked by vast staircases and 15 metre statues of Mayawati wearing a
coat and carrying a handbag.

Outside one such edifice, now encased in plywood by election
commissioners to avoid swaying voters, a Dalit art student made the
obvious point that the money would have been better spent on schools.
But the literate and politically conscious student was not necessarily
representative of the tens of millions of other Dalits who see the
parks as a testament to Mayawati's "zero to hero" story.

"She makes me proud. I will vote for her and my children will vote for
her when she's gone," said a cobbler who had travelled for a day to
see one newly opened monument in the city of Noida.

Her personal wealth – Mayawati is now immensely rich – is justified
similarly. She appears festooned in diamonds. All her wealth, said RA
Mittal, a BSP organiser in Lucknow, came from donations "to the cause"
from her supporters. As she has no children, the funds would be
returned when she died so there was no impropriety, he explained.

Mayawati still has huge support in Uttar Pradesh but her rallies have
so far been lacklustre and the polls are not positive. Hundreds were
filing out of the Gonda event well before the end despite the prospect
of watching the helicopter take off. "She's done nothing for us," said
one 64-year-old woman. Others admitted to having been paid to attend.

Yet Puja, 18, carefully listed the chief minister's achievements.
"Behenji is the tallest leader for the Dalit community – that is why
we are all behind her, all of us," she said and burst into tears.
CV

Born 15 January 1956

Career Astonishing, given her background. Mayawati has overcome the
twin obstacles of being a low-caste woman to win – and hold – power in
India's most populous state and exercise significant influence at a
national level as well.

High point Her 2003 birthday, marked during third term as chief
minister with a 51kg cake, giant Bollywood stage set and 5,000
bouquets of flowers.

Low point Sheltering in a government guesthouse as a mob organised by
her main political opponent attempted to force entry while the police
stood aside.

What she says Very little, as she gives almost no media interviews.

What they say A US cable titled Portrait of a Lady, sent by the US
Embassy in Delhi in October 2008, refers to "a virtual paranoid
dictator replete with food tasters and a security entourage to rival a
head of state" who sent a private jet to Mumbai, the Indian commercial
capital, to fetch her favourite brand of sandals.


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[ZESTCaste] Dalit or not, the common cry is for khaad, beej and houses across villages voting today

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/dalit-or-not-the-common-cry-is-for-khaad-beej-and-houses-across-villages-voting-today/909202/

Dalit or not, the common cry is for khaad, beej and houses across
villages voting today

D K Singh Posted online: Wed Feb 08 2012, 00:49 hrs
Lucknow : The disenchantment with Mayawati's government is visible not
only in her core constituency of Dalits, who give her an 18 per cent
edge over rivals at the very start of any election, but also in its
non-Dalit votebank, which had propelled it to power in 2007.

A strong undercurrent of resentment over governance issues threatens
to scuttle her 2007 social engineering formula. Farmers, whether Dalit
or non-Dalit, are resentful about a scarcity of fertilisers and their
black marketing, especially during the wheat-sowing months, besides
that of seeds. Many are also resentful about not having got a house
under any government scheme.

Sitting in a temple in Ram Nagar's Kuntir village, believed to have
been built by the Pandavas' mother Kunti, Mahant Ramanand Das, a
Kurmi, says he voted for the BSP in 2007 but will "vote for Beni
Prasad Verma" this year. "She has done everything for elephants,
nothing for humans."

He was referring to the statues and memorials all over the state.
Mayawati has released a two-page newspaper advertisement defending the
statues. "Nobel Prize winner and economist Amartya Sen writes that the
habit of bahujan samaj to keep silent is the biggest shatru in
securing social justice. But I had understood this reality long back.
And, therefore, I took such policy decisions that would have
far-reaching results and got such sthal (parks/statues) and memorials
built, which would exhibit the aan-baan-shaan of the bahujan samaj for
centuries," Mayawati wrote in the ad.

Pointing to the Kalpavriksha, a huge tree associated with myth, Das
says the Mulayam Singh Yadav government had given Rs 25 lakh for its
upkeep.

At Ram Nagar kasba, Chhotelal and Ramlal, both Dalits, are polishing
shoes. "I have four children and we live under a thatched roof, which
cannot withstand even rain. I have met everybody, from village pradhan
to administration official, but nobody is ready to sanction a house,"
says Ramlal. Asked if they will vote for the BSP, both say they will
vote for "whomever everybody (Dalit) votes for".

At Masauli village in Zaidpur, Munna, a Muslim, complains how he paid
triple price for urea to black marketeers "at 2am" right outside the
authorised distributor's shop. "There was no such problem during the
Mulayam regime," he says. Stopping by to join the conversation,
Ramsharan Prajapat adds, "During Mulayam's time, people took money but
fertilisers and seeds were easily available."

Asked if he got a house, Shamhu Kahar, a Dalit, says, "We get no
schemes. They are all meant for bade aadmi." About 300km away,
Hasimullah of Bhaisahiyan in Khalilabad constituency, says, "Yes,
two-three houses were built under some scheme, but I have got one."

At Mehrabari village in Sahajanwa, Umesh Chandra Tripathi says that
never since his childhood has he seen paddy or wheat being procured at
MSP by any government agency. In the village's Harijan Basti, Ramhit
has got a house but Chandrawati and Bindu have not because they didn't
have the money to pay to those sanctioning the house under a
government scheme. Asked if they will or won't vote for Mayawati, they
giggle. Ramhit intervenes, "She (Mayawati) is sending money but people
pocket it midway. What can she do?"

B N Tiwari of Patharbajari village in Domariyaganj had voted for the
BSP but is undecided now. "There is such a crisis of fertilisers and
seeds," he says.

At a Rahul Gandhi rally last Saturday, Ayodhya Prasad asserted
Brahmins are shifting towards the SP only but others believed many of
them would also vote BJP or Congress. Asked what problem they face
most, there was unanimity: "Khaad (fertlisers)."


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[ZESTCaste] Panel seeks explanation in dalit boy assault case

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/Panel-seeks-explanation-in-dalit-boy-assault-case/articleshow/11802209.cms

Panel seeks explanation in dalit boy assault case
TNN | Feb 8, 2012, 06.20AM IST

BHOPAL: The Madhya Pradesh State Commission for Protection of Child
Rights (SCPCR) is going to write to the district collector and
superintendent of police (SP) in Sagar asking to explain the incident
in which a poor teenaged dalit boy's ear was pulled out by policemen.

The SCPCR action has come after it took cognizance of the report on
the incident that TOI carried on February 7.

Vibhangshu Joshi, a member of SCPCR said, "The incident is indeed
shocking. The Commission is going to seek explanation from the
collector and SP. Medical aid of the highest possible level has been
recommended for the boy so that his ear could be restored. An
appropriate compensation would also be given to him."

The commission member also expressed distress over the increasing
cases of atrocities against children in the state. He also referred to
the recent incident where a teacher harassed girls after getting drunk
in Betul. "The state government should step up vigilance and
coordination with other agencies so that atrocities against minors can
be prevented," he said.

He added that the commission had also written to the concerned
authorities seeking explanation on that incident too.

On Monday, assistant sub-inspector Ghanshayam Dubey and constable
Vishwanath Mishra had assaulted a 13-year-old dalit boy Narendra
Ahirwar, bodily lifting him by his ears with such a force that a big,
bloody chunk came out. Surgeons could not stitch back the left ear
that came detached in the hands of one of the cop.

The two cops have been suspended and booked under IPC and the
Scheduled Castes and Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, the city
superintendent of police Rakshpal Singh Yadav had said.

A hunt is on to arrest the two, who are at large, the CSP had informed
on Monday. Following TOI report, Childline NGO's Sagar team had
reached the boy's house for inspection. Archana Sahay, collab director
Childline said, "The boy's hand was highly swollen. Possibly there is
a fracture as well."

The boy did not undergo an X-ray test previously as the government
hospital he was taken to did not have a proper facility for the same.
The Childline team would be taking the boy to a private hospital for
an X-ray test on Wednesday.

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[ZESTCaste] Upper caste men brand Dalit sarpanch's daughter-in-law "witch"

http://www.thehindu.com/news/states/other-states/article2869614.ece

NEW DELHI, February 8, 2012
Upper caste men brand Dalit sarpanch's daughter-in-law "witch"
Smriti Kak Ramachandran

When Norti Bai, sarpanch of Harmara in Rajasthan, refused to give in
to the demands of upper caste men in her village, her daughter-in-law
Ram Peari was branded a "witch." The villagers called for Peari's
"social boycott" and excommunication.

In Alwar district in the State, Sunita Bairwa of Bahedakhah was
assaulted because the upper castes were unhappy about a Dalit being
elevated to sarpanch.

These and similar testimonies were shared at a day-long public hearing
on caste bias and atrocities faced by Dalit elected representatives,
held here on Tuesday. Organised by the All-India Dalit Mahila Adhikar
Manch, the event highlighted the stories of discrimination and
violence against Dalit women elected representatives from in Bihar,
Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan.

"It took us days to get the police to file a complaint. I was
victimised because we are from the lower caste and my mother-in-law
was doing some good work for the village. The upper caste men could
not tolerate it, they wanted her to toe their line and when she
refused to, they accused me of being a witch and of performing black
magic on another woman," said Ram Peari.

Most elected representatives facing harassment complained that the
police and the administration were also not supporting them. "As
chairperson of the district council of Aurangabad, I am not even kept
informed of the day-to-day functioning. When I raise important issues,
I am told that because of my caste, I will not even be heard,"
complained Ranju Devi from Bihar.

In her village, she alleged, her husband was beaten up by upper caste
men who objected to her candidature.

No change in status

Syeda Hameed, Member, Planning Commission, who addressed the hearing,
said the status of the Dalit women representative was same as it was
years ago. The Centre and State governments would have to work
collectively for the empowerment of Dalit women and there was need for
a multisectoral approach to development and proper implementation of
policies, she said.

Following the testimonies, a jury put forth certain recommendations.
They called for establishing a special office in each district to act
as a support mechanism for Dalit, Adivasi and women panchayat
presidents. The office should provide advice, training and information
as well as monitor the performance of duties and interventions by
others such as panchayat members and government officials.

The special office should mediate and resolve problems encountered by
panchayat representatives.

In another recommendation, the jury said the State Election
Commissions should set up a fund to provide basic financial support
towards election cost to Dalits, Adivasis and women in general falling
within a stipulated low household income bracket.

It called for setting up an autonomous statutory directorate for all
reserved panchayats at the State level, headed by a Dalit, Adivasi
woman IAS officer, and assistant directorates at the district level,
headed by a Dalit/Adivasi woman officer below the rank of IAS, to
function under the directorate. These two institutions should fall
under the jurisdiction of the Legislative Assembly through the
Governor. They should monitor and review the pre and post-election
performance of the reserved panchayats, and submit annual reports to
the Assembly.

The jury called for mandating the National and State Scheduled Caste,
Scheduled Tribe and Women's Commissions with sufficient powers, funds
and staff to specifically inquire into political obstruction or
violence committed against Dalit women and men, Adivasis and other
women elected representatives.

A resolution to strengthen the legal framework such as the SC/ST (POA)
Act, 1989, and enforcement agencies particularly those focussing on
Dalit women was passed.


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[ZESTCaste] BSP has a poor track record on reserved seats

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/BSP-has-a-poor-track-record-on-reserved-seats/articleshow/11802496.cms

BSP has a poor track record on reserved seats
Ashish Tripathi, TNN | Feb 8, 2012, 07.02AM IST

LUCKNOW: The Bahujan Samaj Party is a dalit-based party but its track
record in reserved constituencies has been poor in comparison to other
parties in all previous elections barring the 2007 assembly poll.

Sample this: In 1993, out of total 88 assembly seats reserved for
dalits, BJP grabbed 33, BSP and SP 23 each, Congress and others four
each In 1996 again, BJP was top runner with 35 seats followed by BSP
(20), SP (18), Congress (2), and others (12). The scene changed in
2002, with SP grabbing 36 seats, followed by BSP (24), BJP (17), Con
gress (2) and others (10) However, in 2007, the sit uation changed
dramati cally with BSP winning 61 out of total 89 reserved
constituencies, SP 13, BJP 7, Congress 5, RLD 1 Rashtriya Swabhiman
Party (RPS) 1 and an in dependent.

Results of 17 reserved constituencies in Lok Sabha were also more or
less the same. In 1999, BSP won 5 seats in compari son to 7 by BJP,
Lok tantrik Congress Party 1 and SP 5. In 2004, the SP won 8 seats,
followed by BSP (5), BJP (2), Congress and RLD (1 each). In 2009 SP
bagged 10 seats in cluding five won by BSP in 2004. The BSP, BJP and
Congress won 2 each while RLD won one seat.

Clearly, the election results show that the BSP has generally not been
able to score in dalit-dominated constituencies. Statistics also show
that BSP was runner up in most reserved constituencies won by its
rivals.

Political analysts say the reason for BSP's not-so-good performance in
reserved seats is that in these, all parties have to field dalit
candidates, leading to a split of dalit votes.

Hence, those able to attract votes from other castes and communities
win. Vijay Singh, an analyst, said, "It's true BSP gets majority of
dalit votes, but when all candidates are dalits, there is a split on
sub caste and region basis."

However, he added in 2007 assembly election BSP got crucial Brahmin
votes, which helped it sweep reserved seats.

Dalits are around 21% of UP's population. The state has 66 scheduled
castes (dalits). Jatavs are 56.3% of dalit population followed by
Pasis (15.9%) while Dhobi, Kori and Balmiki together form 15.3%.

Analysts say that though BSP is a dalit based party, only Jatav
sub-caste is a staunch BSP supporter since Mayawati is also a Jatav.
The other sub-castes also support the BSP, but change their stand
depending on can didates fielded by other parties in reserved seats.

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[ZESTCaste] State worried over rise in crimes against SC, ST

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata-/State-worried-over-rise-in-crimes-against-SC-ST/articleshow/11800588.cms

State worried over rise in crimes against SC, ST
Swati Sengupta, TNN | Feb 8, 2012, 03.07AM IST

KOLKATA: The issue of atrocities against scheduled caste (SC) and
scheduled tribes (ST) was discussed at a meeting at Writers' Buildings
on Tuesday. The discussion was triggered by the rise in number of
complaints on atrocities against SC) and ST in recent times in the
state.

You could read that it can be considered as something alarming because
Bengal, unlike Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, is not known to be a state
where caste is any major issue- unlike states like Bihar or Uttar
Pradesh. Or it could really be what the government claims it to be:
that awareness among the SC and STs has increased and therefore more
and more SC and STs are going to police stations to lodge complaints
under the Prevention of Atrocities (POA) Act.

Whatever may be the reason behind this trend, the state government is
soon going to get a clear picture, a top official said on Tuesday.

The issue was raised and discussed at length at a meeting of the
state-level vigilance and monitoring committee at Writers' Buildings
on Tuesday, and it was evident from the data provided by CID that the
number had indeed increased rather sharply. The crime figures are not
"incidentally" that of SC and STs - it is not that those at the
receiving end of the crimes like rape, murder, arson, grievous hurt -
were incidentally SC or STs. But all these crimes took place because
of "caste-related issues" that the crimes took place, and that is what
makes it a matter of concern.

"The complaints lodged explain that there may have been harrassment
because of a caste of a particular person and then that led to a
serious crime," the official explained.

The Centre has now asked the state government to increase the
compensation for the crimes - which is shared equally by them - from
Rs 50,000 (the maximum for rape) to Rs 2.5 lakh. Half of the amount is
to be paid initially, and the rest after conviction.

After a discussion on Tuesday at a meeting chaired by finance minister
Amit Mitra, the government had decided to place it before the chief
minister immediately.

At the moment, 42 cases are pending with the police for investigation,
and 31 of these are of SCs and the remaining are that of STs.

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[ZESTCaste] Relief amount doubles up after amendment to SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules

http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Madurai/article2871452.ece

MADURAI, February 8, 2012
Relief amount doubles up after amendment to SC/ST (Prevention of
Atrocities) Rules
Staff Reporter

The Central Government has formulated rules to amend the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules, 1995.
The new rules become effective since publication in the Official
Gazette on December 23, 2011, which shall henceforth be called the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes [Prevention of Atrocities
(Amendment)] Rules 2011.

After the enactment of SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 the
SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules were framed on March 31, 1995.
The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, in a notification, has
stated that in exercise of the powers conferred by sub-section (1) of
Section 23 of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989 (33 of 1989), the Central Government makes the
following rules to amend the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities) Rules,1995. The rules, the notification
says, shall be called the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities (Amendment) Rules 2011. The SC/ST (POA)
Rules, 1995 will be referred to as principal rules.

Among the amendments made, the relief amount in the case of atrocities
against SC/ST has been increased. The relief amount has been increased
in the case of murder of an earning member from Rs.2 lakh to Rs.5
lakh; for murder of a non-earning member from Rs.1 lakh to Rs.2.5
lakh; for sexual exploitation/outraging the modesty of an SC/ST woman
from Rs.50, 000 to Rs.1, 20,000.

For listed offences under Section 3(1) (i) to Section 3 (1) (x), the
relief amount has been enhanced to Rs.60, 000 from Rs.25,000 and for
offences relating to right to franchise from Rs.25, 000 to Rs.50, 000.
For the offence of fouling of water, denial of customary right of
passage and giving false evidence the compensation has been increased
from Rs.1,20,000 to Rs.2,50,000. The amendment also says that words
"Director/Deputy Director, National Commission for the Scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes" shall be substituted with
"Representatives of the National Commission for the Scheduled Castes
and the Scheduled Tribes."

Welcoming this move by the Central Government, the Madurai based non
governmental organisation Evidence said that the State Government
should immediately implement the notified changes in the Rules.


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[ZESTCaste] The Legacy of Guru Ravidas

 

The Legacy of Guru Ravidas



Best wishes to everyone on Gurpurb (B'day) of Guru Ravidas Ji. 



 

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[ZESTCaste] Why was Ravidas's statue not installed: Digvijay Singh's asks Mayawati

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_why-was-ravidas-s-statue-not-installed-digvijay-singh-s-asks-mayawati_1646715

Why was Ravidas's statue not installed: Digvijay Singh's asks Mayawati

Published: Monday, Feb 6, 2012, 20:19 IST
Place: Bahraich (UP) | Agency: PTI

Trying to corner BSP supremo Mayawati for her love for installing
statues, Congress general secretary Digvijay Singh on Monday asked why
she had not erected a single statue of dalit icon Saint Ravidas.

"I want to ask Mayawati why she had not installed any statue of dalit
icon Saint Ravidas. Does it mean she did not consider him a big dalit
icon," he said.

Targeting the BJP, Singh alleged the party had minted crores of rupees
in the name of constructing Ram temple.

Now, the people wanted to know where this money had gone, the Congress
leader said.

Referring to the NRHM scam, Singh said the Mayawati government had set
a record of sorts in corruption.

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[ZESTCaste] Kiran Reddy lands in trouble with cabinet expansion

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/Kiran-Reddy-lands-in-trouble-with-cabinet-expansion/articleshow/11786272.cms

Kiran Reddy lands in trouble with cabinet expansion
TNN | Feb 7, 2012, 04.26AM IST

HYDERABAD: The induction of Congress MLAs Uttam Kumar Reddy, Prasada
Kumar and Kondru Murali by chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy into his
cabinet on Monday evening triggered more dissent rather than douse the
existing ones. The feeling that two members of the SC Mala community
(Prasada Kumar and Murali) have been inducted into the cabinet to
mollify the community after the recent vandalism of Ambedkar's statues
have left other powerful communities unhappy.

While the three vacancies are from Telangana caused by the exit of
Komatireddy Venkata Reddy, Jupalli Krishna Rao and P Shankar Rao, only
two of the slots have been given to the region. Bhupalli Venkata
Ramana Reddy, an MLA from Telangana region and a serious ministerial
aspirant, was instead offered the post of chief whip which fell vacant
after Kondru Murali was sworn in as a minister. However, an unhappy
Venkata Reddy is said to be unwilling to take up the post and stormed
out of the CM's Camp Office when he was made the offer by Kiran on
Monday.

While the portfolios for new ministers is yet to be formally
announced, with the Congress high command not giving an OK to Kiran
Kumar to drop senior ministers D L Ravindra Reddy and Jana Reddy, the
CM is planning to clip their wings.

While Uttam Kumar Reddy is tipped to be given the medical education
charge till now with Ravindra Reddy as part of his health portfolio,
Kondru Murali is expected to be handed over the rural water supply
charge till now with Jana Reddy. Uttam Reddy a former fighter pilot
who quit IAF after injuring his back in an air crash while flying low
over enemy territory is a favorite of Kiran Reddy. The chief minister
had been batting for the ex- IAF officer who also served as an aide to
the then President R Venkataraman, but unsuccessfully till now.

A furious health minister Ravindra Reddy, who boycotted the
swearing-in ceremony, told his close aides that he would quit the
cabinet if his portfolio is split and given to anybody else.
Similarly, home minister Sabita Indra Reddy is upset over the move of
the CM to give the home department charge to deputy chief minister
Damodar Raja Narasimha.

"Two Malas have been inducted into the cabinet. So it is only fair
that the Madiga community (to which the deputy CM belongs to) is
placated in some form or the other. whose department is likely to be
given to deputy chief minister did not attend the swearing in
ceremony. Apart from that, Sabita is miffed over the fact that Prasad
Kumar, the right-hand man of K Laxma Reddy, her arch rival from Ranga
Reddy district, has been inducted into the cabinet.

According to indications late on Monday night, Kondru Murli is tipped
to get the 108, 104 and Arogyasri charges currently held by Ravindra
Reddy. Housing portfolio held presently by Kanna Lakshminarayana, is
to be given to Uttam Kumar and Kanna made incharge of agriculture,
which is currently in the additional charge of the Deputy CM since YS
Vivekananda Reddy quit the cabinet. Prasad Kumar is slated to get the
textiles portfolio till now held by Shankar Rao.

Amudalavalasa MLA B Satyavati offered to quit the party stating
'injustice' has been done to BC women in the party. According to
sources, Satyavati was lured from the Jagan camp with the promise of a
ministerial berth, which however, did not happen. Speaking to media
persons at Srikakulam, the two-time MLA said she was deeply pained at
not being giving the promised post. She belongs to the strong
'Kalinga' caste which has considerable population in the backward
Srikakulam district.

Shaken by her threat, the chief minister telephoned and requested her
not to take any hasty action and gave an assurance that she will be
rewarded very soon. However, an unyielding Satyavati convened a
meeting of her followers late on Monday night to finalise her future
course of action.

Apart from Gandra Venkata Ramana Reddy, many other Congress MLAs from
the region are unhappy. The fact that both Uttam Kumar Reddy and
Prasad Kumar are not known as hardcore separatists on the issue of
Telangana and have not supported the T agitation irked many T Congress
MLAs who have played active role in the movement.

The pro-Telangana legislators are now chalking out an action plan to
bring pressure on Kiran so that some of them are also included in the
cabinet in the future.

Former minister J C Diwakar Reddy, who camped in Delhi for three days
in the hope of securing a cabinet berth, as well as MLCs P Venkata
Rao, Mohd Jani and P Sudhakar Reddy are upset at not being inducted
into the cabinet.

With the induction of the three ministers, the strength of the Kiran
cabinet rose to 41 including the chief minister. Community wise,
Reddys account for 13 berths, BCs 11, Kapus 4 and SCs 7 of which 4 are
held by the Malas and the remaining three by the Madigas. Region-wise,
coastal Andhra accounts for 17 berths, Telangana 15 and Rayalaseema 9.

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[ZESTCaste] Mishra unimpressive in BSP’s Brahmin-Dalit lab

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/mishra-unimpressive-in-bsps-brahmindalit-lab/908918/

Mishra unimpressive in BSP's Brahmin-Dalit lab
Prashant Pandey Posted online: Tue Feb 07 2012, 07:17 hrs
ALLAHABAD : In the laboratory of Bahujan Samaj Party's Dalit-Brahmin
social engineering that fetched it rich electoral dividend in the last
Assembly election, the party's Brahmin face, Satish Chandra Mishra, is
trying his best to repeat the feat by holding a series of meetings
with community members.

But his appeal, at least in cities like Allahabad and Varanasi, does
not seem to cut much ice with the community feeling let down by the
BSP and, particularly by Mishra.

Mishra addressed three meetings in Allahabad on February 3 and then
hastened to Varanasi and Chandauli. He will visit Mirzapur and then
enter Bundelkhand through Chitrakoot, where too he is scheduled to
address many meetings. In Allahabad, where he had addressed two other
meetings - in Karchana and Soraon (reserved) constituencies - the
overall number of people turning up to listen to him was anything but
impressive.

In his meetings, Mishra trains gun on Congress and its general
secretary Rahul Gandhi, but at the same time he does not misses the
opportunity to tell people how BSP "has honoured Brahmins by giving
them most number of tickets in the Assembly elections this time too".
The focus clearly is on keeping the Brahmins in good humour.

But leaders of the Brahmin organisations are reluctant to attend his
meetings, as they do not seem to be in a mood to vote for BSP as they
did in 2007. Apart from a general disenchantment with the BSP on
various issues, Mishra's own personal equation with those who could
matter seems to have gone downhill.

"Whatever he said during his meetings about the local candidate may
have been true. But his personality is not something we are going to
be enamoured by. He was not seen all these five years and now he has
come to talk about our interests," said Pandit Raja Ram Shukla,
general secretary of Kanyakubj Brahmin Sabha (Prayag). Shukla, along
with a couple of other members of his outfit, had gone to attend the
meeting addressed by Mishra in Allahpur are on February 3 in support
of BSP candidate from City (North), Harsh Vardhan Vajpayee. He added
that there was no one-to-one dialogue with Mishra. "I don't think he
is going to be effective even in his native place of Kanpur," said
Shukla.

The organisers attributed it to paucity of time. "He does not have the
time to go around and meet everybody. But everybody has been invited
and asked to meet him during the election meetings. He has been
listening and will listen to everybody," said one of the coordinators
of the Bhai-Chara Committee of the BSP in Allahabad, speaking on the
condition of anonymity.

But the president of the Brahmin body, Girish Chandra Mishra, simply
refused to attend the meeting. "I was invited by the party. But I told
them I will not share the dais in the capacity of the president of the
Samaj, as I do not want a strong BSP. A decision on individual
candidates may differ due to various issued involved, but in so far as
the BSP is concerned, I don't want the platform of my organisation to
be used," said Mishra. "But, I know even people at the top echelons
from our community, who have found it difficult to get across to him
(Satish Chandra Mishra) even on mobile phone," he added.

In Varanasi, where the Brahmins have initiated an attempt for
political assertion by forming the Sarvjan Mahasabha, the rejection of
BSP's overture towards Brahmins seems to have been clearer. Sheetla
Prasad Pandey, who handles the media affairs for the outfit's nominee
from Varanasi Cantonment, Colonel Ranjeet Upadhdyaya, said: "There
were a few initial feelers from the BSP's office-bearers. But when
they realised that the Brahmins, along with Bhumihars and even some
Kshatriyas have come together, the invitations stopped." Pandey put
forth caste equations to claim that Col Upadhayay would spring a
surprise in Varanasi (Cantt), a strong hold of the BJP.

Rameshwar Dayal Dikshit, national president of the Kendriya Brahmin
Sabha, commented sarcastically: "Now, he (Satish Chandra) has come out
to ask for votes!... I have been talking to my organisation's
office-bearer in Lucknow too. They are saying that the Brahmins were
simply not in favour of either Satish Chandra or the BSP itself," said
Dikshit. He added that if Mishra was really serious about engaging
Brahmins, this (the series of meetings) should have begun much
earlier.


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[ZESTCaste] Cops tear off dalit boy’s ear in Sagar

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/Cops-tear-off-dalit-boys-ear-in-Sagar/articleshow/11786717.cms

Cops tear off dalit boy's ear in Sagar
TNN | Feb 7, 2012, 05.23AM IST

BHOPAL: A poor dalit boy's ears were pulled with such force by a
couple of policemen that a big, bloody chunk came out, which surgeons
could not stitch back.

The incident happened in Sagar district of the impoverished Bundelkhand region.

Narendra Ahirwar (13) was picked up by police on suspicion in a theft
case on Sunday.

He was beaten black and blue, before two of the cops bodily lifted him
upward by his ears. His left ear came detatched in the hands of one of
his tormentors.

The two cops, assistant sub-inspector Ghanshayam Dubey and constable
Vishwanath Mishra have been suspended and booked under IPC and the
Scheduled Castes and Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, city
superintendent of police Rakshpal Singh Yadav told TOI. A hunt has
been launched to arrest the two, who are at large, the CSP added.

After the incident, the boy was sent to home. However, his family
members admitted him to a hospital and lodged a complaint with senior
police officials.

"His sister Basant Bai came to me with a complaint that his brother's
ear has been severed,'' Yadav said adding that immediately he informed
about the incident to SP Pramod Verma who suspended the duo on Sunday
evening.

"I carried out an initial probe and found the two policemen guilty. A
case has been registered against them on Monday, '' the CSP said,
adding it was hard to say if one of the policeman or both pulled the
boy by his ears.

He, however, denied the dalit boy was kept in the police custody for
the whole night and beaten, as alleged.

Meanwhile, surgeons of the district hospital tried hard to repair his
ear. but in vain. "It could not be stiched back, since over 24 hours
had elapsed,"Yadav said.


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[ZESTCaste] Chamrajnagar Dalits threaten to embrace Buddhism

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/chamrajnagar-dalits-threaten-to-embrace-buddhism/228001-60-115.html

Karnataka | Posted on Feb 07, 2012 at 12:01pm IST
Chamrajnagar Dalits threaten to embrace Buddhism
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express

MYSORE: Around 60 Dalit families who have been denied entry into a
temple during the local Dodda Ankada Maramma jathra in Kalana Hundi of
Chamrajnagar taluk have threatened to embrace Buddhism in protest
against discrimination. Due to continued discrimination, the jathra,
which is celebrated by taking out a procession of local deities, was
stopped in 1999.

However, the upper castes have decided to celebrate the festival.
Dalits, who protested against their ban in hotels and temples, also
objected to temple rituals where offerings by Dalits were sprinkled
with water before being placed before the deity. They approached the
district administration alleging untouchability and urged the
authorities to stop the festival to end this discrimination.

Mahesh, a Dalit youth, said the Dalit Colony has not been getting
sufficient water since the day they lodged a police compliant. The
district administration has sought a report from the police.

"The police assured us that they would look into our grouse. But how
can we trust them when they have failed to act on our complaints for
so long?" he asked. They even blamed the local leaders of spreading
hatred by encouraging their own community to celebrate the festival
and keeping away Dalits.

"Why practise a tradition that has no respect for Dalits or does not
believe in equality?" asked Narashimamurthy, a folk artiste.
Meanwhile, villagers opposed any move to seize the chariot and other�
temple accessories that belonged to the village.

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