Thursday, November 24, 2011

[ZESTCaste] MRPS mahadharna for SC categorization bill

http://www.newsleaks.in/mrps-mahadharna-for-sc-categorization-bill/

MRPS mahadharna for SC categorization bill
Submitted by Newsleaks on November 24, 2011 – 7:05 pm

By: Syed Najaf Ali Shaukat, Bureau Chief, Andhra Pradesh

Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS), Andhra Pradesh, has decided
to organize 'Madiga Dandora Mahadharna' on December 10 at Indirapark
here, demanding the Central government to introduce SC Categorization
Bill in the on-going Parliament Session.

Speaking to media persons here on Thursday, MRPS state president
Perupogu Venkateswarlu Madiga alleged though the Madiga Community has
been fighting for SC categorization since last 17 years, due to Mala
leaders' influence, the Congress government was delaying the
introduction of the SC Categorization Bill in the Parliament so far.
He charged that the State government was diverting crores of SC
development funds to other welfare programmers, taking advantage of
the differences between Mala and Madiga communities. He urged the
Chief Minister N. Kiran Kumar Reddy to take the reasonability to
convince the Central government to introduce SC Categorization Bill in
the Parliament on the basis of Usha Mehra Committee report. He warned
that about one crore Madiga Community people would not tolerate if the
congress party hurt their sentiments and rights. He also warned that
the Congress party would face the wrath of Madiga community in the
2014 elections if it failed to concede SC Categorization demand.

He demanded the State government to amend LIDCAP G.O and allot Rs 1000
crore fund to provide employment to 16 lakh Madiga community people.
He wanted the government to set up a Special Corporation for SC
sub-caste community, distribute three acre land to landless Madiga
community families and construct Madiga Bhavans in Telangana,
Rayalaseema and Coastal Andhra regions in the state.

Mr Venkateswarlu alleged the MRPS president Manda Krishna Madiga was
trying to dilute the Separate Telangana agitation in the name of
Social Telangana though people of Telangana were agitating for
separate State. He alleged that the Central government was playing a
drama on Telangana issue though 4.5 crore people of the region were
agitating for separate state.

Telangana MRPS Founder president Botla Bhikhapati Madiga, MRPS general
secretary M.S. Raju Madiga, Politburo Member Mekala Narendra Madiga,
Telangana MRPS co-convener Vakkala Venkata Madiga, State joint
secretary G. Gopal Madiga, state executive member K. Joan Madiga and
state vice president J. Anjaneyulu Madiga were also present.


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[ZESTCaste] Six upper primary schools for SC, ST to be set up in state

 

http://kanglaonline.com/2011/11/six-upper-primary-schools-for-sc-st-to-be-set-up-in-state/

Six upper primary schools for SC, ST to be set up in state

Written by Imphal Free Press | November 24, 2011 | 0 Comments and 0 Reactions

NEW DELHI, November 24 (agencies): Government today decided to relax
the norms for setting up six additional upper primary residential
schools for girls belonging to predominantly SC, ST, OBC and minority
communities in Manipur.

The Union cabinet, at a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh, approved the proposal for relaxation of the norms for
sanctioning six additional Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas one each
in the districts of Bishnupur, Imphal (East), Imphal (West), Senapati,
Thoubal and Ukhrul in Manipur.

Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya are residential schools at the upper
primary level for girls belonging to predominantly SC, ST, OBC and
minority communities in educationally backward blocks with rural
female literacy lower than the national average.

In Manipur, KGBVs are operational in Tamenglong, Churachandpur and
Chandel districts.

The cabinet decision paves way for all the nine districts of Manipur
to have KGBVs which will provide residential educational facilities in
the difficult terrain of Manipur thereby increasing access to
education for girls in the remote areas of the State.

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[ZESTCaste] Nod to 3,500 new autos to run on city roads

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/nod-to-3500-new-autos-to-run-on-city-roads/205550-60-121.html

Hyderabad | Posted on Nov 25, 2011 at 12:01am IST
Nod to 3,500 new autos to run on city roads
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express

HYDERABAD: The state government has given permission for registration
of 3,500 new auto rickshaws to ply in the city on the condition the
autos should be run on LPG or CNG, for addressing pollution concerns.

Out of these 3,500 new autos, 500 will be reserved for applicants from
SC/ST categories. The balance 3,000 will be available for applicants
under open category. The process of registration should be completed
by January 31, 2012.

The government took the decision after careful consideration of public
demand for transport facility by increasing total number of
three-wheelers plying from the existing 73,535 to 77,035.

The transport commissioner will issue necessary permission to the
Regional Transport Officers in a day or two.

According to officials, the decision� was taken keeping in view that
some parts of Rangareddy district have been merged into the GHMC, to
provide an alternate transport system.

Also there were several requests for issue of registration of new
autos from people of various communities and the transport
commissioner also felt necessary to increase total number of autos
plying in the city.

According to principal secretary of transport, roads and buildings D
Lakshmi Parthasarathy said 5,066 auto rickshaws were plying in the
merged part of Rangareddy and with addition of another 3,500 autos,
the number has gone up to to 77,035.

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[ZESTCaste] Media doesn’t need Katju’s New Order (Opinion)

http://www.asianage.com/ideas/media-doesn-t-need-katju-s-new-order-307

Home
Media doesn't need Katju's New Order
Nov 25, 2011 - Vivek Sengupta |

Age Correspondent

Justice Katju, the new Press Council chairman, continues to rub
journalists the wrong way. Within weeks of taking over last month, he
has managed to get the backs up of almost the entire media fraternity.
He has made sweeping generalisations denouncing the media, sought to
expand the purview of the Press Council from just the print media to
include news television and demanded draconian powers for the Press
Council that would enable it to wield the "danda" and strike fear in
the hearts of journalists.
Not the best way to open innings for the head of a body which purports
not only to serve as a watchdog of the press but also to preserve the
freedom of the press and maintain and improve standards.
Justice Katju's complaints about the press have found widespread
resonance. Not just among media consumers but also many journalists.
It is acknowledged that there is much that is exceptionable with the
manner in which journalism is being practised in India today. But it
is also felt that he misses the big picture, betrays lack of knowledge
about how the media works and makes the mistake of regarding the media
as a homogenous entity.
But there is something more disturbing about his views. He appears to
belong to a school of thought championed by the Indian government in
the 1970s and the 80s. Justice Katju says, "It is the duty of all
patriotic people, including the media, to help our society" by
focusing on issues of poverty, economic backwardness, feudalism and
social backwardness. This call to duty brings to mind the
Soviet-inspired theories propounded by the champions of a New World
Information and Communication Order some three decades ago. News is a
social good and must serve a social purpose, they said, not a
commodity in the competitive marketplace. Providing information is a
social function; it should not be a business transaction. There was an
insistence that the press purvey "development news". Shedding its
adversary role, the press must make common cause with the government
in the supreme task of nation-building, it was asserted.
A "committed" press would obviously be under the thumb of the
government. What if Justice Katju gets his "danda" and uses it to
nudge the press towards such a subservient role? Far from taking India
forward, he appears inclined to take the country back in time.
It is surprising Justice Katju does not name the rise of paid news as
a major challenge. If he can direct his energies constructively to
help contain this threat by re-establishing the clear line of division
between paid content and editorial matter, he will have done the
country a signal service.
The other area where he could contribute is persuading editors to pay
attention to the decline in standards. The way to do it is to not to
describe the entire press corps as lacking in education, as he has
done. A surer bet would be to urge the media to invest more in hiring
better quality staff and, thereafter, in training them.
Justice Katju's admonitions would have gone down better with the media
if he had also acknowledged its tremendous contribution to the growth
of democratic society in India. It is the press which is bringing to
light all that is wrong with governance in the country. It is not
difficult to guess how society would have erupted had it not been for
the pressure cooker effect of the press.
On the other hand, the media, news TV in particular, must ponder why
the learned judge has found many takers for his views. The hysterical
tone of some channels and their readiness to be judge, jury and
prosecutor, giving short shrift to needs of balance and accuracy, have
not gone down well with viewers. News broadcasters would do well to
see this as an opportunity to put in place, at the level of individual
channels, a mechanism to have an internal ombudsman, a viewers'
editor, of the sort that the Hindu newspaper has, to address concerns
of accuracy and balance in as close to real time as possible.
Justice Katju would have carried more conviction if he had not treated
the media as a homogenous monolith, discounting its tremendous
variety. It is this variety that provides choice to the consumer and
allows for balance.
He may have issues with the quality of news coverage. He must realise
that this has a lot to do with the economics of newsgathering. More
importantly, such is the variety of media outlets in the country that
no real issue or significant development goes unreported. Seeking
homogeneity in the press or threatening to use strong-arm methods is
not the answer to challenges of coverage. Both will impose curbs on
the freedom of the press. Such curbs are unacceptable. None other than
Mahatma Gandhi made that clear: "The press is a great power, but … an
uncontrolled pen serves but to destroy. If the control is from
without, it proves more poisonous than want of control. It can be
profitable only when exercised from within. If this line of reasoning
is correct, how many of the journals in the world would withstand the
test? But who would stop those that are useless? And who should be the
judge? The useful and useless must like good and evil generally go
together and man must make the choice."
So, the Mahatma abhorred control from without and lauded choice.
Justice Katju appears not to like choice and he seeks to regulate from
without.
"Self-regulation is no regulation," he has told TV news broadcasters
and asked them whether they were willing to come under the Lokpal, if
not under the Press Council! The Lokpal! Could he be serious?

Vivek Sengupta, public affairs analyst, is founder and chief executive
of the consulting firm Moving Finger Communications


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[ZESTCaste] Parties cave in to Dalit outrage‚ include rep in SRC

http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=Parties+cave+in+to+Dalit+outrage%E2%80%9A+include+rep+in+SRC&NewsID=310421

Parties cave in to Dalit outrage‚ include rep in SRC

Added At: 2011-11-24 7:20 PM

THT ONLINE
Speaking during today's House session‚ UCPN- Maoist lawmaker Tilak
Pariyar and other Dalit lawmakers had warned of obstructing House
proceedings if Dalit representation was not guaranteed in the SRC.

KATHMANDU: Following pressure from Dalit communities and various other
organisations demanding the Dalits' representation in the recently
formed State Restructuring Commission (SRC), a meeting of the three
major political parties—UCPN-Maoist, CPN-UML and Nepali Congress
(NC)—on Thursday decided to appoint an additional member from the
Dalit community in the SRC.

The eight-member SRC was formed on Tuesday with two members each from
the three major political parties and United Democratic Madhesi Front
(UDMF) sans coordinator. The parties however, had reached an agreement
to lead the SRC on a rotational basis after they failed to finalise
the coordinator.

Speaking during today's House session, UCPN- Maoist lawmaker Tilak
Pariyar and other Dalit lawmakers had warned of obstructing House
proceedings if Dalit representation was not guaranteed in the SRC.
Similarly, various Dalit communities had also cautioned of launching a
stern agitation against it.

During the meeting of top brass held at the Ministry of Peace, in
Singha Durbar this afternoon the leaders also came to a conclusion
that the regrouping of Maoists combatants was satisfactory. However,
the main opposition parties UML and NC had attracted the attention of
the UCPN-Maoist towards the property return move saying that it was
not implemented as per the agreement reached among the parties
earlier.

The meeting also took up the issue of the extension of the Constituent
Assembly (CA) term but failed to make any concrete decision regarding
the issue.

Though a bill was tabled at the legislature-pariament today seeking
the 11th amendment of statute to extend the tenure of the CA by six
months, NC and UML have been voicing their reservation over the
extension saying that the extension depends on the progress made in
the peace process. They are yet to finalise the fate of CA.


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[ZESTCaste] Bangladesh: End discrimination against Dalits Demand speakers

 

http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=211244

Wednesday, November 23, 2011

End discrimination against Dalits Demand speakers
Staff Correspondent

Speakers at a seminar yesterday demanded that the government formulate
laws for combating discrimination against the Dalit community.

They said India and Nepal already had such laws and Bangladesh needed
to follow suit and enact similar laws in the country.

The views came at the seminar on 'Realisation of Rights of Dalit and
Socially Excluded People of Bangladesh' organised by Bangladesh Dalit
and Excluded Rights Movement (BDERM) and Nagorik Udyog at the
conference room of Business Studies faculty of Dhaka University (DU).

BDERM President Mukul Sikder chaired the programme while Farzana
Islam, teacher of DU, Dalit activist from Nepal Ram Lakkhan Chamar,
and Bangladesh Dalit Nari Forum President Mani Rani Das spoke at the
seminar.

The seminar was held as a part of the five-day South Asia Social Forum
programmes that ended on the DU campus yesterday.

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[ZESTCaste] Dalits stage protest against land grab moves

 

http://thecanaratimes.com/epaper/index.php/archives/13511

Dalits stage protest against land grab moves

Posted on Nov 22nd, 2011 and filed under General.

UDUPI : Several Dalits residing in a land opposite the MGM College in
the town staged a

protest in front of the DC office on November 21, Monday demanding
legal action against a

local advocate who was conspiring to grab their land and also against
a few Dalit leaders who

were abetting the advocate.

The protestors pointed out that the land in front of the MGM College
was provided to about 50

families by Kudmul Rangarao as part of Dalit welfare.

The agitators also alleged that the advocate concerned was indulging
in unlawful activities by

leasing out a government land for shops selling old building
materials, scrap etc.

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[ZESTCaste] Mainstream push to dalit writings at UGC-backed Kolkata seminar to showcase power of dalit pen

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata-/Kiln-workers-poison-dogs/articleshow/10863743.cms

Mainstream push to dalit writings at UGC-backed Kolkata seminar to
showcase power of dalit pen
Ankita Chaudhuri, TNN | Nov 25, 2011, 05.47AM IST

KOLKATA: Samaresh Basu, Sunil Gangopadhyay, Shirshendu Mukhopadhyay,
Suchitra Bhattacharya - these are writers that generations of Bengalis
have grown up with. But there is literature beyond this league of
extraordinary authors, too - like Anil Gharai, Mahitosh Biswas and
Kalyani Thakur Charal. Coming from dalit families, these writers
concentrate on dalit society that has, in recent times, been brought
into focus by identity politics. Now, as dalit writings find their way
into the literary mainstream and consciousness, a city college has
decided to showcase dalit writings in English during a two-day seminar
on November 29 and 30.

"Dalits have never got a platform to speak of their experiences or
voice their anger," says Manohar Mouli Biswas, writer and editor of
'Dalit Mirror', a bi-monthly English magazine. He feels the seminar
will help take dalit writings to more people. "Even a few years back,
I had no takers for such writings and was turned down by publishers. I
started Dalit Mirror around 1987 to provide a platform for the
oppressed sections of the society." The seminar, on "Writing as
Resistance: Bengali and other Dalit writings in English", has been
Jogesh Chandra Chaudhuri college in collaboration with Bangla Dalit
Sahitya Sanstha and is sponsored by the UGC. The event will see
writers and scholars come from various parts of the country present
their works and speak extensively on dalit writings.

Champa Ghosal, head of the college's English department, said, "Dalit
writings have been neglected for long in academics, with Barasat State
University being the exception. Our aim is to focus on dalit writing,
which is an integral part of literature but is conspicuous by its
absence from the syllabus in our state."

Shipra Mukherjee, associate professor of English, West Bengal State
University, said it was time dalit writings found space in grand
narratives. "Civic society can't move forward if the marginalized
sections are ignored," she added.

Dalits are increasingly coming together to expose the atrocities they
face. The anger manifests itself through powerful writings and
autobiographical essays. Though dalit writing in Indian languages have
flourished over the years, the shift to English is a recent
phenomenon. That has led to a spurt in interest in dalit literature,
and consequently, more demand, according to publishing major Oxford
University Press.

"Dalit literature in India is structurally alternative to models
prescribed by traditional Hindu aesthetics precisely because it is the
literature of sociological oppression and economic exploitation. Dalit
literature is essentially a shock to the so-called traditional senses.
It is an assault on the anthropomorphic practice of casteism in India.
A sound piece of Dalit literature is that which is militant in
texture," said Dalit critic and assisstant English professor Jaydeep
Sarangi.

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[ZESTCaste] In Tamil Nadu’s southern districts, prisoners are segregated by caste in jails

http://www.openthemagazine.com/article/nation/caste-in-prison-stone

12 November 2011
Caste in Prison Stone
In Tamil Nadu's southern districts, prisoners are segregated by caste in jails

BY Shahina KK

DISCRIMINATION

In the political biography of Tamil Nadu, conflict between Dalits and
other backward castes (OBCs) is a chapter that is still being written.
Not only is untouchability still widespread across the state's
southern districts like Ramanathapuram, Thoothukkudi, Thirunelveli,
Madurai and Dharmapuri, there have been frequent clashes since the
early 1990s between Dalits and Thevars, an OBC community with
significant presence in the region. Just last month, violence in
Paramakkudy claimed the lives of seven Dalits.

Observers recall 1995 as a year that saw tensions take a turn for the
worse. As many as 50 Dalits were killed by Thevars over the next two
years. The attacks, though, were not one-sided; an equal number of
Thevars were killed by Dalits in retaliatory violence. The atmosphere
was so charged with caste politics that speaking up for justice was
not easy. Chandrashekar, chief of the Pallar Cultural Development
Forum, which ran a campaign against anti-Dalit atrocities, was forced
underground after his name turned up on the police list of 'wanted'
men. Popularly known as Tamil Maran, he was finally picked up by the
cops in November 2000 on a visit home to attend a family function. He
spent a year locked up as an undertrial. In 2006, he was nabbed again
for violating bail conditions; this time, he spent a year-and-a-half
behind bars.

Tamil Maran's activism was the outcome of his bitter experiences of
discrimination since childhood. Dalits bore the brunt of the worst
attitudes; they were served (if at all) at eateries in separate cups
and plates, kept off public roads, and not even allowed to ride
bicycles, let alone use or own a vehicle. If Tamil Maran had hopes of
jail being different, they were soon quashed. Caste followed him into
prison. He was incarcerated at the Palayamkottai Central Jail in
Thirunelveli, one of the districts worst hit by caste violence. There
was only one noticeable difference from the outside world—the low
likelihood of inter-caste violence. This was for the simple reason
that prisoners were segregated by caste into different blocks.

But that didn't mean no discrimination. Maran says he was beaten up
for no reason by members of the jail staff who were Thevars. The food
served in his Dalit block was scarcely edible and hardly enough to
quell his hunger. His access to books and newspapers was restricted.
His visiting time for friends and relatives who came calling was
curtailed. He had to work, but was not paid. And he was deprived of
medical attention. "Prison life does not offer anything to reduce the
sense of [inflicted] violence," he says, "It only flares it up."

There are 1,600 prisoners in Palayamkottai Central Jail, and the
segregation in this facility is very efficient. "Thevar, Nadar and
Dalit prisoners are put in different blocks," says Selvaraj, a
constable who has been working there for a decade. "In this jail,
[caste segregation] is inevitable. How can we mix up people from
different castes? It is impossible. We cannot manage the violence
[that will occur] if we do so."

+++

It is not just in Palayamkottai that prisoners are sorted by caste and
jailed apart. "In most jails across the southern districts, inmates
are divided on the basis of caste," says R Alagumani, a lawyer
practising at the Tamil Nadu High Court's Madurai bench who has
initiated a number of public interest litigations for prisoner rights,
"But in Palayamkottai, it is formally approved." Segregation by
itself, he says, would not be so terrible if some sense of equality
were to prevail across all blocks. But that is not so. Alagumani says
that Dalits cannot be humiliated any more than they are inside prison.

"There are eight blocks with 30-35 cells each," says Tamil Maran, as
he sketches the structure of Palayamkottai. The fourth block, far from
the main building, is for Dalits; Thevars, Nadars and Muslims are all
in different blocks. If prisoners get unruly, one form of punishment
is to place a guard of a 'rival caste' in the block. So, if knuckles
need to be rapped (so to speak) in a Dalit cell/block, Thevar
constables are deployed there. Serious misbehaviour attracts a
punishment that can make the hardiest break into a cold sweat: being
put into the cell of an antagonistic community. "The jail authorities
only try to widen the gap between communities and aggravate the
abhorrence they feel for each other," says Tamil Maran, "They exploit
the volatility thus created."

What happens in jail, however, only mirrors what happens outside
during caste conflicts, according to Rajiv Rufus, a lawyer practising
at the Madurai bench. "This is a strategy used by the government
whenever caste violence erupts in these parts of Tamil Nadu," he
alleges, "Thevar cops are deployed in localities where Dalits live in,
and vice-versa. This only escalates the violence."

There is another pattern that plays a role in this insidious game.
Among Dalit prisoners, leaders suffer the most grievously. In 2009, M
Bharatan, a Dalit activist running an organisation called Human Rights
Council, was hauled off for his alleged involvement in the murder of
three Thevars in Thirunelveli. He recounts his days in the lock-up.
"Our community leaders were under strict surveillance inside jail," he
says, "They were not allowed to mingle or even to talk to one another.
They closely monitor what we do, talk and even read." And Dalits are
systematically kept away from others. Bharatan remembers an
announcement asking prisoners to enrol themselves for yoga class. "I
expressed interest, but was rejected," he says, "They said there are
'other people' and I was not supposed to be there." His one-and-a-half
years in prison taught him that the authorities only want to fuel the
rage: "Two sets of jail rules exist in the prisons of Tamil Nadu's
southern districts—one for Thevars and another for Dalits."

Tamil Maran offers details. "At the film screened twice every week,
the first show is always reserved for Thevars. While Thevar prisoners
are free to use mobile phones, Dalits are not. While Thevars do not
have too many restrictions on visitors, Dalits are given a separate
place where officers often interfere with warnings that 'the meeting
time is up'; Dalit women visitors have to endure long waits, even
gross insults. Dalits don't even get letters in jail—the authorities
either tear them up or open them." The exclusion of Dalits is
painfully evident in matters medical. "Dalits have no access to the
prison hospital," continues Tamil Maran, "If a Dalit prisoner is sick,
he is only provided some pain killers. If a Dalit prisoner is
seriously ill, he is taken to the nearby government hospital, but not
the prison hospital. Doctors visit inmates every week, but they hardly
step into the blocks reserved for Dalits."

Unwilling to put up with all this, Tamil Maran got a special order
from the High Court to access books that the jail authorities would
not allow. "They had banned me from reading," he says, "I had no
option but to go to court." Jail officers then began keeping a
checklist of the books he read— "I have read all the books of Ambedkar
available in Tamil"—and subjecting him to long interrogations on what
he had learnt.

+++

Meanwhile, Selvaraj, the Thevar constable in Palayamkottai, claims
clarity on who is to blame for all the tension. To his mind, 'they'
are a nuisance. "They make a mess of things even for small reasons,"
he says of Dalits, "They often complain about the quality of food and
absence of electricity." He refutes charges of discrimination as
baseless. "I have nothing against them, but they unnecessarily create
problems," he adds, "They are organised. I am scared of being
attacked."

Selvaraj is not entirely inaccurate in his assessment of Thevar
fear—while they often enjoy the favour of jail authorities, they are
also scared of being attacked by Dalits.

"I am very careful whenever I have to meet somebody from the 'other
community' in jail. Why should we invite trouble? They are waiting for
a chance to create problems. The officers always help us—that is the
only relief," says a Thevar convicted for murder who is lodged in the
Palayamkottai jail.

Karuppuswami, a 34-year-old auto driver who was freed a few months ago
after serving a ten-year sentence for murder, says he was scared of
Dalit inmates and glad he was imprisoned with fellow Thevars. "I had
the experience of being ill treated by cops of their caste. I was
confident that our police would help me if I was in need," he says. As
it turned out, his caste affiliation did come of help; once, on being
caught for using a mobile phone, all he suffered was having his
handset confiscated—easily replaced when his sister made her next
visit.

And so, caste segregation persists in Tamil prisons. "Caste-based
separation of the inmates is a matter of convenience," says Dr Krishna
Swami, a legislator from Thoothukkudy district. "This is not a
desirable practice, but we should see the practical side of things,"
adds the Assembly member who started his political career as a Dalit
rights activist.

Alagumani is not convinced. "It is against the spirit of the
Constitution," says the lawyer, "Dalits in prison are subject to all
sorts of discrimination. It does not help in healing and only
escalates the animosity."


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[ZESTCaste] Constitution Day will be celebrated at Khaparkheda (India) [1 Attachment]

 
[Attachment(s) from Dr. Milind Jiwane included below]

The Buddhist Society of India Branch Khaparkheda will be celebrated
26th November as " Constitution Day" on a large scale. On that occasion,
following dignitaries will be participated.
* Chief Orator : Dr Milind Jiwane ( Chairman of Civil Rights Protection Cell)
* Chairperson : Hon. Prithviraj Borkar (Social Activist)
* Chief Guest : Hon. Amar Ramteke (AIR)
Mrs. Asmita Bagde ( UP Sarpanch)
* Advisers : Hon. Suryabhan Gedam (Social Activist)
Hon. Rahul Bagde (Social Activist)
Hon. Prakash Lanjewar (Social Activist)
With regards.
The Buddhist Society of India
Branch - Khaparkheda

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Attachment(s) from Dr. Milind Jiwane

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