Tuesday, May 31, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Cong-NCP want Dadar station renamed

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/congncp-woo-dalits-want-dadar-station-renamed/155520-37-64.html

Cong-NCP want Dadar station renamed
Yogita Limaye Yogita Limaye , CNN-IBN
Updated May 31, 2011 at 09:41am IST

New Delhi: In an effort to woo the Dalit voters in Mumbai, the ruling
Congress and NCP want the Dadar railway station to be renamed as
Chaitya Bhoomi to honour Baba Ambedkar. MNS chief Raj Thackeray has
opposed the move.

The ruling Congress-NCP combine is planning to rename the city's
arterial railway station at Dadar, which is located in a traditional
Sena and now MNS baston, after Dr BR Ambedkar.

Dadar station, in the heart of Mumbai, which sees lakhs of commuters
daily, is now at the centre of a political tug of war.

The Congress and NCP in Maharashtra want the station to be renamed
Chaitya Bhoomi in honour of the final resting place of Dr Babasaheb
Ambedkar not far away from the station where thousands gather every
year to pay homage to the Dalit icon.

"We support this demand. We had sent a letter to the central
government a year ago," said Manikrao Thakre, President, Maharashtra
Congress.

The demand is being seen as a move to woo the Dalit votebank after the
pro-Dalit Republican Party of India joined hands with opposition BJP
and Shiv Sena on several issues in the run up to civic polls in 2012.
But the Sena's arch rival, the MNS, is steering clear of this issue.

"Instead of renaming a station, if one must honour Ambedkar, his
picture should be put on 500 rupees notes," said MNS chief Raj
Thackeray.

The MNS had conquered this traditional bastion of the Shiv Sena in the
2009 assembly elections. While the parties fight it out, for the
average Mumbaikar the name doesn't matter as long as his train is on
time.

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[ZESTCaste] 'UP government failed to check atrocities against Dalits'

 

http://www.zeenews.com/news708652.html

'UP government failed to check atrocities against Dalits'
Updated on Wednesday, May 25, 2011, 18:39

Jaipur: Criticising Uttar Pradesh government for its alleged inaction
in checking atrocities against dalits, chairman of National Commission
for SC on Wednesday alleged that there is pressure from authorities to
not register cases.

"In Uttar Pradesh, no action is taken against dalit atrocities under
the pressure from the state government. Primarily, no case is
registered and if the case is registered, no action is taken against
the culprits," PL Punia, chairman of National Commission for SC said
here.

Advocating for reservation in private sector and in judiciary, Punia
said that the reservation should be introduced in private sector
considering shortage of government jobs.

"There is now shortage of government jobs in the country so a
reservation pattern should be introduced in private sectors also for
the upliftment of needy people," he said at a press conference here.

"Reservation should also be implemented in judiciary and the system of
reservation in promotion in services should also be maintained," he
said.

Informing that eight new offices of the commission, including one at
Jaipur, would be opened in the country after cabinet's approval, he
said that those offices will surely strengthen the functioning of the
commission.

Punia expressed satisfaction over conviction rate in dalit atrocity
cases in the Rajasthan.

"Rajasthan has a good conviction rate, about 45 per cent, in dalit
atrocity cases while in some states, it is only three per cent. Though
the conviction rate in Rajasthan is good, it can be improved further,"
he said.

During his two-day visit, which concluded today, Punia held
discussions with officers to review the condition of dalit.

PTI

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[ZESTCaste] Now, dalit farmers accuse Gujarata government of land grabbing

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_now-dalit-farmers-accuse-gujarata-government-of-land-grabbing_1549492

Now, dalit farmers accuse Gujarata government of land grabbing

Published: Tuesday, May 31, 2011, 10:52 IST
By DNA Correspondent | Place: Ahmedabad | Agency: DNA

Dalit farmers of Dhanala village of Dhandhuka taluka have accused the
state government of grabbing their agricultural land. Around 300
people will submit their representation to the district collector of
Ahmedabad on Tuesday.

According to the statement issued by the farmers, the state government
in 1953 had allotted 536.62 acres land to 35 scheduled caste families
of Dhanala village for their livelihood. However, the deputy collector
of Dholka forcibly filled up the fake possession rights from the
farmers.

Moreover, the deputy collector issued a new order on December 21, 2010
which reduced their land from 15 acres to just 3 acres.

The officials of revenue department forged a fake order dated April
30, 1963 stating that the land was acquired by getting approvals of
the owners at that time. The farmers in their statement also stated
that four of the farmers who had claimed to give their consent, had
died before 1963.

The farmers have filed 24 petitions in the High Court that ordered the
district collector of Ahmedabad for detailed inquiry into the order.

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[ZESTCaste] Raj Thackeray opposes move to rename Dadar station as 'Chaityabhoomi'

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report_raj-thackeray-opposes-move-to-rename-dadar-station-as-chaityabhoomi_1549339

Raj Thackeray opposes move to rename Dadar station as 'Chaityabhoomi'
Published: Monday, May 30, 2011, 21:22 IST
Place: Mumbai | Agency: PTI

As the battle for Dalit votes ahead of the civic elections in
Maharashtra got interesting amid reports that the Sharad Pawar-led NCP
is mulling a resolution on renaming Dadar railway station here as
'Chaityabhoomi' station, MNS chief Raj Thackeray said he was opposed
to any such move.

"I am opposed to renaming of any sort. What issues are going to be
resolved by renaming," Raj told reporters at a hurriedly convened
press conference, also in Dadar area.

'Chaityabhoomi' is the memorial of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar (he was
cremated there in 1956), near Dadar railway station in central Mumbai.
Lakhs gather at Chaityabhoomi to remember Ambedkar, father of the
constitution, on his death anniversary each year.

"It is natural that names given by the British are changed. But why
step into controversy by changing names given by our own people," the
MNS chief said. "I am opposed to the politics of changing names of our
own people, given by our own people," he added.

Dalits are wise and they know what sort of politics is going on (over
the renaming issue), Raj said.

"Marathwada University was renamed. Has any system changed," he asked.
"Build something which will be a tribute to the great personalities.
But I am opposed to renaming of any sort," he said, adding "Please
don't use Mahatmas for politics."

"What Ambedkar has created, written nobody wants to discuss. Only
renaming is discussed. What issues are going to be resolved by
renaming," he said.

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[ZESTCaste] Dalit outfit to protest RPI's alliance with BJP-Shiv Sena

 

http://news.oneindia.in/2011/05/29/dalitoutfit-to-protest-rpis-alliance-with-bjp-shivsena-aid0126.html

May 29, 2011 » India
Dalit outfit to protest RPI's alliance with BJP-Shiv Sena
Sunday, May 29, 2011, 12:45 [IST]

Italy's favourite coffee machines & capsules in India. Know more now!
Mumbai, May 29: The activists of Prajasatak Bharat, a dalit outfit,
will embark on a week long ''padyatra'' in the slum pockets of Mumbai
with dalit population against the Republican Party of India's (RPI)
proposed alliance with Shiv Sena and BJP.

Founder president of the outfit, Amol Madane, told PTI that the
''padyatra'' will start in the first week of June and cover dalit slum
pockets in the city and suburbs. The yatra will end at Ambedkar's
memorial ''Chaityabhoomi'' in central Mumbai.

The ''padyatra'' will be called ''Nirdhar Padyatra'' and will be
Mumbai specific since the RPI's alliance with Sena-BJP is being worked
out with an eye on the Mumbai municipal corporation elections, he
said.

The idea is to create awareness about the need for dalits to empower
themselves by coming together and show unity rather than depending on
others, Madane said.

"In Mumbai's 36 assembly segments, there are 13 to 14 constituencies
where dalits can win if all of them vote for the candidate. Similarly,
in other constituencies if a dalit candidate bags 15 per cent votes
from Muslims and other communities, he can get elected. Mumbai has
strong dalit pockets in all constituencies," he said.

Asked whether his outfit will contest the BMC polls, Madane said the
decision would be taken based on the response his ''padyatra'' gets.
"The purpose of our ''padyatra'' is to elicit views of the dalit
community on their participation in decision making," he said.

Madane categorically asserted that his outfit did not have the backing
of any political party.

He said if a dalit can become a mayor of Mumbai, why can't the
community reach position of power on its own.

"If ''Bhimshakti'' can come to power in Uttar Pradesh on its own, why
can't that happen in Maharashtra ?," he added.

PTI

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[ZESTCaste] The Indian left's caste-related justifications for state intervention are dying (Opinion)

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702303745304576354672790976918.html

OPINION INDIA
MAY 31, 2011

The Untouchable Case for Indian Capitalism
The Indian left's caste-related justifications for state intervention are dying.

By B. CHANDRASEKARAN

The plight of the Dalits, those whom the Hindu caste system considers
outcastes and hence Untouchables, was a rallying cry of Hindu
reformers and Indian leftists for half a century. But today these
victims of the caste system are finding that free markets and
development bring advancement faster than government programs.

Historically, Dalits were left to do the most undignified work in
society, and were denied education or job opportunities. After
independence, not only was legal recognition of caste abolished, but
Delhi also created affirmative action and welfare programs.
Intellectuals who fought for the betterment of Dalits worked together
with leftists to pass laws righting historical wrongs.

That alliance is now breaking down. India's economic reforms have
unleashed enormous opportunities to elevate Dalits—materially and
socially. In research published last year, Devesh Kapur at the
University of Pennsylvania and others show this transformation
occurring in Uttar Pradesh state in the north, a region notorious for
clinging to caste traditions.

Mr. Kapur found that Dalits now buy TVs, mobile phones and other goods
very easily—at rates similar to any other caste; they have also been
spending more money on family weddings. These factors and others point
to practical benefits Untouchables receive from growth, the same
benefits accruing to other Indians. There are more such cases in the
south and west of the country.

More economic choices are changing Dalits' own expectations and, in
turn, changing social structures for the better. Dalits may have seats
reserved for them in public schools, but parents now prefer to send
their children to private schools. Urbanization is one trend hugely in
favor of those thought to be Untouchables in the village economy.
Commerce in cities doesn't discriminate.

Dalits have also launched campaigns promoting the use of English,
which has both helped them earn higher incomes and more dignity in
society. One Dalit intellectual, Chandrabhan Prasad, thinks his
community should worship "English" as a goddess.

This has the left, with its belief that only the modern state can
repair social ills, in a quandary. One refrain common among Indian
leftists is that 20 years of economic reform have benefited upper
castes and left those at the bottom of this hierarchy worse off. But
Dalits clearly don't agree.

The only remaining argument for the Dalit cause to stay intertwined
with statism is the fact that the Untouchables' most respected leader,
B.R. Ambedkar, supported affirmative-action laws. Because of this, he
was long believed to have leftist leanings.

However, 50 years later, my research shows that Ambedkar was, in fact,
one of the biggest proponents of classical liberalism in India's 20th
century history—not some proto-Marxist, as some have made him out to
be. Last month's 120th anniversary of his birth is a chance to reflect
on how liberalization has helped and can further help Dalits.

It's true that the Dalit leader often spoke in favor of
affirmative-action measures for Dalits and, as the architect of
India's constitution, put some of these measures into the law. For
instance, he feared that without a reservation provision for
education, Dalits would not achieve social equality and freedom.

Seeing their leader support state intervention, Dalit intellectuals
embraced Marxism. Mr. Prasad, a Marxist-turned-free-marketeer, notes,
"The idea of Communism . . . seeped into the Dalit consciousness. Many
claiming to be ardent Ambedkarites, including myself for a decade,
spoke the Marxist language. A great amount of Dalits' intellectual
energy, time and resources was invested in Marxism." That boosted
India's broader left movement.

But this whitewashes Ambedkar's true legacy. Some economists and
historians have pointed out that Ambedkar was no Marxist. My own
research indicates that this man, born an Untouchable in 1891,
anticipated a lot of what classical liberals like F.A. Hayek later
said.

In the 1920s, Ambedkar was an early advocate of property rights. He
also opposed central planning, writing as early as 1917 that it "must
lead to inefficiency." Under the 1950 constitution that he drafted,
not only was there little hint of Soviet-style planning, but the right
to property was enshrined as a "fundamental right"—the highest and
most easily enforceable of civil rights in India's legal framework.
Politicians later amended the constitution to enable economic
engineering.

Ambedkar was also one of few Indians to think seriously about monetary
matters. He has left behind writings from the 1920s supporting the
gold standard. Like the Austrian School of Economics after him, he
defended private banks' ability to issue competing currencies and
decried the state's monopoly over legal tender.

Ambedkar may have supported reserving seats for Dalits in public
education, but he actually favored a review of the provision after a
decade, so as to not make it permanent. All this was forgotten after
his death in 1956.

It's important to tell the real story about Ambedkar. For one thing,
it could further invigorate the Dalit community in favor of
free-market ideas. His influence among Dalits remains unparalleled to
this day. That, in turn, will undermine the linkage of the caste
system to leftist ideas. Policy makers often invoke freedom fighters
and founding fathers for their cause. Ambedkar should no longer be a
pretext for statist policies.

Reform-minded policy makers can press Ambedkar's insights into
service, though. In contrast to leaders who reckoned the English
language was imperialist, Ambedkar once called English the "milk of
lionesses." Unlike Mohandas Gandhi, who saw the village as the basis
for economic activity, Ambedkar considered the "individual" to be the
ultimate economic unit.

Ambedkar isn't the only classical liberal in modern India's history;
nor is caste the only pretext for leftism. But if someone as
influential as Ambedkar believed that classical liberal ideas could
help India's most downtrodden, and if these ideas are starting to help
in practice, then the political case for them only becomes stronger.
—Mr. Chandrasekaran works in public policy in New Delhi.


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[ZESTCaste] Funds for SC/STs not reaching the needy

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/funds-for-scsts-not-reaching-the-needy/155564-60-122.html

Kochi
Funds for SC/STs not reaching the needy
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express
Posted on May 31, 2011 at 10:03am IST

KOCHI: It seems that the funds allocated for the development of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are going amiss owing to the
complexities in the procedures.

As this is the only alternative to a major section of people belonging
to these communities, the nonviable conditions put forward by the
authorities concerned are giving them nightmares.

As per the provisions, a person belonging to the SC/ST community can
avail a loan of Rs 1 lakh without any guarantee. But Nishant, who
hails from Thiruvananthapuram, has a different version to offer.

"When we went to avail a loan of Rs 35,000 for selfemployment, we did
not get it since we could not present two government officials as our
sureties," he said. "Though there are several government schemes for
the welfare of Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes, they have not
helped the needy. It is not possible to avail even a loan of Rs 35,000
without mortgages. Owing to this, gross amounts allocated for their
welfare are getting lapsed," said T V Babu, state president, Kerala
Pulayar Maha Sabha (KPMS).

As a major portion of the funds is allotted through financial
institutions, the policies formulated by the government for the
welfare of SC/STs are going awry.

The purpose is completely being thwarted many a times as the funds are
misused as they are diverted for other purposes.

"All these will only help throttle those who are already in deep
trouble," he added.

However, District Schedule Caste Development Officer Padmarajan said:
"Though the Kerala State Development Corporation for Schedule Castes
and Schedule Tribes has a major role in providing the service, it
could allocate only a minor portion as it needs the consent of the
respective banks to allocate the fund that exceeds Rs 1 lakh."

Though some people manage to get the loans, they also face problems as
the provisions in the loans do not take into account the gestation
period, especially in the case of business ventures.

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