Wednesday, January 27, 2010

[ZESTCaste] SC Categorisation or Telangana? Which Should be First?

 

http://ssanthiswaroop.blogspot.com/2010/01/sc-categorisation-or-telangana-which.html

Jan 25, 2010
SC Categorisation or Telangana? Which Should be First?
Mr. R D Wilson, Ex Scheduled Castes Finance Corporation Chairman,
Andhra Pradesh (AP), wrote an article in Andhra Jyothy daily on 22
January, 2010, questioning the acts of 'Madiga Reservation Porata
Samithi (MRPS) www.mrps.info, founder President's acts, in the recent
political scenario, in the wake of separate Telangana agitation, in
AP.

According to Mr. R D Wilson, Mr. Manda Krishna Madiga, founder
President of MRPS, sidelined MRPS - Scheduled Caste's categorization
agitation for selfish political gains, and chanting Telangana
mantra, in the changed Political scenario. He assumes, first of all
Scheduled Castes categorization should be done, much ahead of
bifurcation/trifurcation..etc of AP.

Mr R D Wilson, who himself is a Madiga, was&is having close relations
with the MRPS movement. His observations in the present article is
much valid.

The article can found
here...http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_HGfdMgetFNc/S12lbw47yRI/AAAAAAAABZk/UHbnx1MLlm8/s1600-h/SSS.jpg

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[ZESTCaste] CM asked to release funds for SC, ST panel

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=CM+asked+to+release+funds+for+SC,+ST+panel&artid=9PQXFlfD3c8=&SectionID=Qz/kHVp9tEs=&MainSectionID=Qz/kHVp9tEs=&SEO=&SectionName=UOaHCPTTmuP3XGzZRCAUTQ==

CM asked to release funds for SC, ST panel

Express News ServiceFirst Published : 25 Jan 2010 04:23:00 AM ISTLast
Updated : 25 Jan 2010 06:13:51 AM IST

BANGALORE: The Justice A J Sadashiva Commission of Inquiry, which is
reviewing the distribution of reservation benefits among the Scheduled
Caste groups in the state, has appealed for an early release of the
sum allocated for it so that it may proceed with the necessary
door-todoor caste census.


After a meeting with Chief Minister B S Yeddyurappa on Saturday,
Justice Sadashiva said that further delay in releasing the sum can set
back the commission's work by another year.

The matter has been brought to the notice of the CM, he said.

The allotted sum for is Rs 12 cr, about Rs 1.5 cr has been released so
far, he said. As per the set schedule, the commission is expected to
complete the census by May.


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[ZESTCaste] Riding on Hindu votes Congress robs all Hindus of jobs and education

http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=329&page=3

January31, 2010


Riding on Hindu votes Congress robs all Hindus of jobs and education
By OP Gupta [IFS Retd]

I place below seven (A to G) bare facts which show that we Hindu
voters have been lacking in parental care and have contributed to
reducing our own children and grand children to second class status by
being careless and casual at times of voting.

The UPA Government in terms of Ranganath Misra Commission is planning
to reserve 15 per cent posts for minorities, and as Dr Manmohan Singh
has publicly asserted in December 2006 that the minorities have first
claim over government resources so SC Hindus will get 15 per cent of
remaining 8,500 posts i.e. 1,270 posts, OBC Hindus (including OBC
Muslims and Christians) will get 27 per cent of 8,500 i.e. 2,290 posts
and ST Hindus (including ST Christians) will get 7.5 per cent of 8,500
i.e. 630 posts.

The Misra Commission has made a false claim that the Muslims are
under-represented in services. Supporters of the Muslim reservation
often say that the Muslims are about 13 per cent of population but in
IAS, etc, their representation is much less at about 4 per cent so
they are under- represented in services and there should be
reservation for them to boost their share to 13 per cent. For getting
into class one services one has to be a graduate.

In the Indira Sawhney case, the Supreme Court had observed-"It is,
therefore, clear that economic criterion by itself will not identify
the backward classes under Article 16(4). The economic backwardness of
the backward classes under Article 16(4) has to be on account of their
social and educational backwardness. Hence, no reservation of posts in
services under the State, based exclusively on economic criterion,
would be valid under clause (1) of Article 16 of the Constitution."

It is painful to see how Jaichandi Hindu politicians right from the
days of the 1916 Congress-Muslim League Lucknow Pact till date in form
of the Sachar Committee Report, Ranganath Misra Commission, the
15-Point Programme, etc, have been systematically harming all Hindus
by concocting false justifications to reduce, bit by bit, promotional
avenues of all the Hindu civil servants and the educational,
employment and economic (E3) opportunities of all Hindu boys and
girls, including SC, ST, OBC and Leftist Hindu boys and girls, North
Indian or South Indian Hindus, all Hindu members of NSUI, ABVP, SFI,
etc, pushing them to second and third class status vis-à-vis minority
boys and girls.

The Hindustan Times of December 24, 2008 reported that the Parliament
was informed by the Manmohan Singh Government that as a result of
special efforts made by the UPA Government the share of minorities in
Central Sector jobs increased from 6.9 per cent in 2006-07 to 8.7 per
cent in 2007-08. It increased from 7.6 per cent in 2006-07 in the
Financial Sector [Banks, FIs, RBI] to 10.2 per cent; in the Armed
Forces from 5.5 pc to 8.9 pc and in the Railways from 2.7pc to 6.3pc
during the same period of one year.

Consequently, the percentage of Hindus in the Central Sector declined.

I place below seven (A to G) bare facts which show that we Hindu
voters have been lacking in parental care and have contributed to
reducing our own children and grand children to second class status by
being careless and casual at times of voting.

When I bring these facts to the notice of educated Hindus most of them
express shock on their being ignorant of these facts, and blame media
and Jaichandi Hindu politicians for this betrayal. But in my humble
opinion Hindu voters are themselves responsible for this plight of
their children who either abstain from voting or vote to anti-Hindu
parties like the Congress Party, NCP, Communist parties and Janata
parivar parties.

[A] First let us look into harm which the Ranganath Misra Commission
Report would inflict upon all the Hindu civil servants, Hindu students
and all the Hindu job seekers.

On December 18, 2009 the UPA Government tabled the Ranganath Misra
Commission Report on the table of the Parliament. It has recommended
reducing job opportunities of all Hindu officials and Hindu youth at
least by 15 per cent, reducing availability of college seats to all
sections of Hindu students by at least 15 per cent and disadvantaging
SC and ST Hindus by yoking them within their reservation quotas with
Muslims and Christians who enjoy better literacy rate.

Para 16.2.16 of the Misra Commission reads: "Since the
minorities-especially the Muslims-are very much under-represented, and
sometimes wholly unrepresented, in government employment, we recommend
that they should be regarded as backward in this respect within the
meaning of that term as used in Article 16 (4) of the
Constitution-notably without qualifying the word 'backward' with the
words "socially and educationally"-and that 15 per cent of posts in
all cadres and grades under the Central and State Governments should
be earmarked for them."

In the Indira Sawhney case, the Supreme Court had observed- "It is,
therefore, clear that economic criterion by itself will not identify
the backward classes under Article 16(4). The economic backwardness of
the backward classes under Article 16(4) has to be on account of their
social and educational backwardness. Hence, no reservation of posts in
services under the State, based exclusively on economic criterion,
would be valid under clause (1) of Article 16 of the Constitution."

So the Misra Commission recommendation is totally unlawful as it
suggests giving reservations to the Muslims by ignoring the
requirements of the Constitution and the Indira Sawhney case law.

All the Hindu officers serving under the Central Government or any
State Government should take note that the Misra Commission has
recommended reservation of 15 per cent of posts for religious
minorities in all cadres and grades under the Central and the State
Governments. Ten pc will be solely for the Muslim officials/candidates
and five pc for other minorities.

It means that from the date of implementation 15 per cent posts in the
grade of Secretary to Government of India, and other grades of
Additional Secretary, Joint Secretary, etc, shall get reserved for
minority officers which will block or retard career prospect of many
Hindu officers and may result into many Hindu officers serving under
their own junior minority religion officers. This would be happening
all over India and in all departments, central as well as provincial,
whether school teachers, lecturers, Deputy superintendents of Police,
engineers, deputy collectors, inspectors of police, customs, income
tax, public sector undertakings, etc.

So it is high time that all the Hindu officials and all those Hindus
who aspire to join public services should come out of their secular
slumber and open their eyes to see that it is Congress Party aided by
Communists and various parties (Mulayam Singh, Mayawati, Karunanidhi,
Sharad Pawar, Chandrababu Naidu, etc.) that is going to harm their
career interests permanently and irreversibly.

The Misra Commission has made a false claim that the Muslims are
under-represented in services. Supporters of Muslim reservation often
say that the Muslims are about 13 per cent of population but in IAS,
etc., their representation is much less at about 4 per cent so they
are under-represented in services and there should be reservation for
them to boost their per cent to 13 per cent. For getting into class
one services one has to be a graduate. Vide its table 3.6 Misra
Commission reports that graduation percentage of Muslims is only 3.6
pc. As only graduates can aspire for public services percentage of
Muslims in services at 4 per cent is fair and already more than
commensurate to their graduation percentage.

Further the Muslims are about 4 pc in services but 10 per cent jobs in
all cadres and grades are proposed to be reserved for them by the
Congress. It means that the Muslim officers will have much faster pace
of promotions vis-à-vis Hindu officers and will also occupy senior
positions for longer periods than the Hindu officers.

Shri Arif Mohammed Khan, a former Union Minister in the Rajiv Gandhi
Government has pointed out that 10 Muslim communities are already part
of the Scheduled Tribes and another 83 Muslim communities are included
in the OBC list. "Together," he maintains, "they constitute more than
70 per cent of total Muslim population leaving out only the Muslim
creamy layer." Similarly, a good chunk of the Christians are already
included in the Scheduled Tribes and the OBC category.

The Constitution of India as well as the Supreme Court has laid down
that social and educational backwardness are essential to become
eligible for getting reservation under Article 16(4). But Muslims as a
community enjoy better literacy rate than Hindus in 11 states and
better literacy rate than SC Hindus and ST Hindus on national level so
they are not entitled for any reservation as they are not
educationally backward.

In its para 12.3 the Misra Commission itself states: "Analysis of
literacy rate reveals that Muslims were better off than Scheduled
castes and Scheduled tribes."

According to the 2001 census, the Sachar Committee and the Misra
Commission [table 3.5, paras12.3, 18.5, etc.] Christians have higher
literacy rate [80 per cent] as compared to other religious minorities
as well as the national percentage of 65 per cent. Christians have
higher literacy rate than the Hindus. Christians have higher per
capita income too. So Christians too cannot claim to be backward in
any sense.

In eleven states, Muslim males have higher literacy rate than Hindu
males. These states are Andhra Pradesh, Andaman & Nicobar,
Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Kerala, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
Orissa, Puducherry and Tamil Nadu.

In thirteen states, the Muslim women enjoy higher literacy rate than
the Hindu women, these are Andhra Pradesh, Andaman & Nicobar,
Chhattisgarh, Daman & Diu, Dadra & Nagarhaveli, Gujarat, Jharkhand,
Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Puducherry and Tamil
Nadu. [Statements 8a and 8b, Census Report 2001].

The Sachar Committee [page 53] also admits that in ten states literacy
rate among the Muslims are higher than even that of the upper caste
Hindus and also higher than SC/ST Hindus.

Let us examine how many jobs the Hindus are going to lose in terms of
Misra Report. Till 2009, SC Hindus were entitled to get 1,500 posts
out of every 10,000 posts in Government sector, OBC Hindus were
entitled to 2,700 posts and ST Hindus were entitled for 750 posts.

The UPA Government in terms of Ranganath Misra Commission is planning
to reserve 15 per cent posts for minorities, and as Dr Manmohan Singh
has publicly asserted in December 2006 that since minorities have
first claim over government resources so SC Hindus will get 15 per
cent of remaining 8,500 posts i.e. 1,270 posts, OBC Hindus [including
OBC Muslims and Christians] will get 27 per cent of 8,500 i.e. 2,290
posts and ST Hindus [including ST Christians] will get 7.5 per cent of
8,500 i.e. 630 posts.

The upper castes Hindu candidates till 2009 were eligible to compete
for 5,050 posts out of every 10,000 posts but now under Manmohan
formula they can compete only for 4,310 seats. And wonder of wonder is
that this reduction in E3 space of all categories of Hindu applicants
will be achieved on strength of those Hindus who gave their notes and
votes to the Congress Party or to other Jaichandi parties.

The Misra Report Para 16.2.7 reads:" As by the force of judicial
decisions the minority intake in minority educational institutions
has, in the interest of national integration, been restricted to about
50 per cent, thus virtually earmarking the remaining 50 per cent or so
for the majority community-we strongly recommend that, by the same
analogy and for the same purpose, at least 15 per cent seats in all
non-minority educational institutions should be earmarked by law for
the minorities as follows:

(a) The break-up within the recommended 15 per cent earmarked seats in
institutions shall be 10 per cent for the Muslims (commensurate with
their 73 per cent share of the former in the total minority population
at the national level) and the remaining 5 per cent for the other
minorities.

(b) Minor adjustments inter se can be made in the 15 per cent
earmarked seats. In the case of non-availability of Muslim candidates
to fill 10 per cent earmarked seats, the remaining vacancies may be
given to the other minorities if their members are available over and
above their share of 5 per cent; but in no case shall any seat within
the recommended 15 per cent go to the majority community.

(c) As is the case with the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes at
present, those minority community candidates who can compete with
others and secure admission on their own merit shall not be included
in these 15 per cent earmarked seats."

As and when it is implemented, Hindu students with marks better than
minority candidates may start getting admissions refused even in
non-minority institutions managed by Hindu organisations such as Vidya
Bharati, DAV Colleges, etc. At present out of every 10,000 engineering
seats in non-minority institutions OBC Hindu students get 2,700 seats
reserved for them, 1,500 seats for SC Hindus and 750 for ST Hindus.
After Misra Report is implemented 1,500 seats would first get reserved
for minority students, 27 pc of remaining 8,500 seats i.e. 1,250 for
OBCs and 630 for STs. So there shall be reduction of seats for all
Hindu students.

Marxist Hindus, NSUI Hindu students shall also suffer forced shrinkage
of their E3 space.

[B] Hindu students with better marks are being denied admissions into
nurseries, schools, colleges and universities run by minorities,
whether aided out of taxes collected from Hindus or unaided. For
example, cut-off marks for Christian students for admission into St.
Stephen's College, Delhi University and cut-off marks for Sikh
students into the Khalsa College, DU and cut-off marks for Muslims in
Jamia Hamdard University is lower than those for the Hindu students.
Same is the case all over India in all districts.

Hindus are generally under-represented in the staff of minority
institutions, and, posts of principals, etc, are generally reserved
for non-Hindus. For example the rule of St. Stephen's College Delhi
stipulates that a Hindu cannot be its principal and Vice principal
though it receives annual grant of crores of rupees from the
Government out of taxes collected from the Hindus. Hindu candidates
with better CVs are generally denied jobs in these institutions. More
than 90 pc teaching staff of the Aligarh Muslim University are
non-Hindus.

Hindustan Times [July 10, 2008] and The Indian Express [July 18, 2008]
reported that St. Stephen's College, Delhi gives preference to
Christian candidates in appointments. MS Frank, the then acting
Principal insisted appointing only Christians. The Supreme Council of
this college clarified that a Christian candidate who met the minimum
qualifications shall be given preference over non-Christian candidates
in matters of appointments. Similar ill-treatment is handed down to
the Hindus all over India by all other minority institutions. Hindus
have invited this ill treatment of their own by giving their votes to
the Congress and the Communist parties.

These institutions quote Supreme Court decisions to justify the second
class treatment of all Hindus in matters of admission and employment.
In nutshell the Supreme Court has ruled that Hindus do not enjoy
equality rights guaranteed by the Article 14 of the Constitution in
the minority institutions whether aided or unaided. In other words
according to the Supreme Court Article 14 of the Constitution is not
uniformly applicable everywhere and to everyone. This is a flawed
interpretation of the Constitution by Supreme Court.

[C] The Constitution of India [Articles 15 and 16] guarantees 15 per
cent reservations for SC Hindus and 7.5 per cent reservations for ST
Hindus but they are denied these constitutionally guaranteed rights in
admissions as well as in employment in minority institutions with
silent support and connivance of Jaichandi Hindu politicians.

The OBC Hindus have been given 27 per cent reservations in academic
institutions but the Manmohan Singh Government has framed rules in
such a way that OBC Hindus are denied this constitutionally guaranteed
reservation all over India in all minority institutions.

The point is that as the Constitution is in force on every square inch
of India so these reservations must be available to SC, ST and OBC
Hindus in all minority institutions all over India. At present some
Articles of Constitution are applicable at one place but not at other
places. The selective application of the Constitution is flawed and
has to be opposed.

The National Commission for Scheduled Castes headed by Congressman
Shri Buta Singh also favours giving 'reserved' status to Dalit
converts to Christianity and Islam but does not want them to be
included in the 15 per cent SC quota and wants to further reduce seats
available to general class Hindus so as to create a new quota for
Dalit converts. [Times of India, July 14, 2007]. So general category
Hindus will get size of their cake further reduced if they continue to
vote for any Jaichandi party in any election.

Hindu students get student loans at higher interest rate of about 10
per cent to 12 per cent per annum but minority students get student
loan at 3 per cent per annum from the National Minority Development &
Finance Corporation under the Union Ministry of Finance. For
confirmation please visit www.nmdfc.org. This discrimination against
Hindu students has been made possible by those Hindus who vote to the
Congress Party or to any UPA party.

On August 27, 2009 the Manmohan Singh government decided that any
student whose parents' income is below Rs 4.5 lakh per annum will get
full interest subsidy on his student loan for professional course
during the course period. But after the course is over a Hindu student
has to pay interest at same higher rate of 10 to 12 whereas a minority
student will pay at 3 per cent.

[D] Hindu youths get loans from commercial banks to start a new
business at 15 per cent to 18 per cent interest and has to arrange
'margin money' of 15 per cent to 40 per cent of project cost from his
private sources, balance comes from the bank. But a minority youth has
to put in only 5 per cent of project cost as margin money from his
private source, other 35 per cent is given by the National Minority
Development and Finance Corporation at 3 per cent interest, and
remaining 60 per cent of finance is given by commercial banks at two
percentage points less than general lending rate for Hindus.

On March 13, 2007 the then Finance Minister P Chidambaram had told the
Rajya Sabha that of the total priority sector lending, loans to
minorities had increased by 33 per cent to Rs 45,490 crore on March
31, 2006 as against Rs 34,654 crore when the UPA Government took
office in May 2004.

So, Hindu businessmen will increase their own difficulties in getting
bank loans by financing the elections of Congress Party and other UPA
parties.

This second class treatment in banking sector has been invited by
those Hindus who give their votes to the Congress Party or to any
Jaichandi Party.

[E] The Manmohan Singh Government has directed that all minority
students admitted to 70 top institutions of India like IIMs, IITs,
etc, will get their total fees paid by the Government but Hindu
students, whether Leftist or Rightist, whether North Indian or South
Indian, whether member of NSUI or SFI have to pay their fees.

If a minority student decides to join any coaching centre to prepare
for admission into colleges or Public Service Examinations or jobs in
government and private sectors he gets total fees of coaching centre
paid by the government but a Hindu student or his parent has to pay
the fees of coaching centre. Details may be seen at
www.minorityaffairs.gov.in.

At pre-matric and at post-matric level a minority student will get
scholarship from class I onwards if he has secured not less than 50
per cent marks in the previous year examination but such facility is
not there for all Hindu students. The SC, ST and OBC Hindu students
have to have more than 60 per cent marks for being eligible for any
scholarship though Muslims, Christians etc enjoy higher literacy
rates. Further SC, ST and OBC Hindu students get scholarships from
class VI onwards.

[F] It may come as total surprise to many Hindus that there are many
posts under the Government which are paid out of taxes collected from
the Hindus but a Hindu howsoever Liberal or Marxist he may be, he is
legally debarred from holding such posts, such as posts of the
Chairman of National and Provincial Minority Commissions, Principal of
St. Stephen's Delhi, [and similar minority institutions running into
thousands and thousands all over India] etc.

Under Section 3 of the National Minority Commission Act, a Hindu
cannot be its Chairman and at least five of its seven members
including Chairman shall have to be from amongst the minority
communities. This law was enacted by PV Narsimha Rao government.

Section 4 of the National Commission for Minority Educational
Institutions Act 2004 passed by the Manmohan Singh Government
stipulates that only persons from minority communities shall be
eligible to be appointed as Chairman and members of this Commission.
Hindus have been totally excluded from this Commission.

As representation of Hindus in Sachar Committee, Ranganath Commission,
etc, have been below their demographic strength it is obvious that
these lack democratic weight.

In pursuance of the 2004 Congress manifesto, on March 10, 2006, the
Lok Sabha passed the National Commission for Minority Educational
(Amendment) Bill according to which the provincial governments will
have to give no objection certificate within 90 days of application
for setting-up an institution by religious minorities, or, else the
government will have to specify reasons for refusal. The aggrieved
party will have right to approach the Commission which, in turn, will
take a final decision in consultation with the State. Composition of
even this Commission is not representative to the total exclusion of
Hindus and the wonder is that Hindus, howsoever Secular or Leftist,
are debarred from being made even a member of this Commission by an
Act of the Parliament passed in November 2004. However, if no reasons
are given by a State government for not giving the NOC within 90 days,
it would be deemed as the approval of the State .The Act also provides
for the right of minority institutions to seek affiliation to any
university of their choice listed in this Act. The Bill was supported
by all UPA partners including the Left parties, Samajwadi Party of
Shri Mulayam Singh and the Bahujan Samaj Party, etc. It was criticised
by the Bhartiya Janata Party and Shiv Sena. So, a Muslim institution
in a far off place, say, Jhumri Taliya in Jharkhand can demand
affiliation to any named central university of its choice and its
students will get degrees of that central university and thus, will
enjoy better marketability in the employment market whereas a Hindu
student of the same region will have degree of a provincial university
having less marketability in the employment market. Thus, with votes
of Hindu parents, Shri Arjun Singh the then HRD Minister and the UPA
Government placed Muslim and Christian students at higher and better
pedestal in the employment market than Hindu students. Those Hindu
parents in rural areas who voted for the Congress Party and its
Jaichandi allies in the 2004 and 2009 elections have thus actually
harmed the future of their own children.

Right from sixties the educational, employment and economic [E3]
opportunities for Hindu youngsters were being reduced bit by bit by
all the previous Congress Governments and pace of this reduction has
been accelerated by the Manmohan Singh Government. And irony is that
this harm to Hindus was and is being done on the strength of those
Hindu voters who either innocently vote the Congress Party or its UPA
partners or abstain from voting.

[G] To reduce the percentage of Hindus and to increase the percentage
of minorities in the government sector the UPA government has ordered
inclusion of minority members in all Selection Boards and Departmental
Promotion Committees [DPCs].

The circular to induct religious minority members in Selection Boards
was issued during Prime Ministership of Rajiv Gandhi vide OM
No39016/6(s)/87-Estt(B) dated June 10, 1987 and during the Prime
Ministership of Vishwanath Pratap Singh, another secular veteran vide
OM 39016/6(S)89-Estt(B) dated 16th August 1990

In January 2007 the Department of Personnel and Training, Government
of India, sent a note to all "heads of departments, public sector
banks and financial institutions, quasi-Government organisations,
autonomous bodies, etc. and all appointing authorities," asking them
to "scrupulously observe" guidelines to make selection panels more
representative. All selection panels recruiting ten or more vacancies
must have one member belonging to a minority community. This circular
instructs to give special considerations to minorities in all
appointments, so danger bell is ringing loud and clear for all Hindu
job seekers whether they are Leftists or Rightists, whether upper
caste or lower castes that despite their better profiles they may not
be selected.

At present Hindus constitute over 95 per cent in all services and the
Manmohan Singh Government with the help of Hindu voters is trying to
reduce the Hindu percentage in government and public sector
undertakings to less than 85 per cent.

Thus, it is clear that Jaichandi Hindu politicians have treacherously
created such a system in which a minority is eligible to apply for
each and every post paid by the State but not a Hindu. A minority
student gets student loan and commercial loans at rates lower than a
Hindu. A minority student with more than 50 per cent marks gets
scholarship but not all Hindu students with more than 50 per cent
marks. In minority run institutions a Hindu is given step brotherly
treatment in matters of admissions and employment but in government
run and Hindu run institutions a minority candidate has to be treated
at par with Hindus and to ensure that a minority is treated on par
there are national and provincial minority commissions headed and
dominated by minorities.

Hindu voters who do not want to harm the career prospects of their own
or of their children and grandchildren must never cast their votes in
favour of any Jaichandi Hindu politician or any Jaichandi party.

(The writer served as Ambassador/High Commissioner to many countries
and belongs to the 1971 batch of the Indian Foreign Service. He can be
contacted at www.opgupta.org and, opg4444@yahoo.co.in)


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[ZESTCaste] Protest over damaged Ambedkar statue

 

http://www.ptinews.com/news/485133_Protest-over-damaged-Ambedkar-statue

Protest over damaged Ambedkar statue

STAFF WRITER 19:46 HRS IST
Ghaziabad, Jan 25 (PTI) Unidentified persons damaged a statue of Dalit
icon B R Ambedkar in Vijaynagar area of the city early today,
triggering protests from locals, police said.

People gathered in large numbers near the statue and shouted slogans
against a particular community suspected to have damaged it, according
to police.

The incident took place early this morning when dense fog had covered
the area, they said.

Senior officials including DIG Akhil Kumar and District Magistrate R
Ramesh Kumar reached the spot and controlled the situation, assuring
public of installation of a new statue.

On the eve of Republic day, some miscreants tried to disturb the peace
in the area but the situation was controlled with the help of public,
the DIG said.

A case has been registered against unidentified persons and police
have been deployed near the statue.

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[ZESTCaste] The Dewan’s draft

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=The+Dewan%E2%80%99s+draft&artid=WkJKbL373Ko=&SectionID=Qz/kHVp9tEs=&MainSectionID=Qz/kHVp9tEs=&SEO=&SectionName=UOaHCPTTmuP3XGzZRCAUTQ==

The Dewan's draft

Ponnu Elizabeth MathewFirst Published : 26 Jan 2010 05:07:00 AM
ISTLast Updated : 26 Jan 2010 07:25:16 AM IST

BANGALORE: January 26, 1950. A little girl hopped around through the
expansive gardens of the famous Himalaya House in Basavanagudi as the
country adopted the newly shaped Constitution. Little did she know
that her grandfather was an important man — so significant that he was
specially chosen to be on the committee the drafted the Constitution
of India along with Dr BR Ambedkar. Sixty years down the line, she
remembers the man who made his way from Guntur district of Andhra
Pradesh to Bangalore to start a life serving the Maharaja of Mysore.


"My grandfather was a very unassuming man," said Dr Sudha Gopinath, a
retired professor of Philosophy at the Bangalore University, as she
proudly produced an old black and white photograph of late N Madhava
Rau, once the Dewan of Mysore. "For me, he was just my grandfather.
That's all," she smiled, adding, "I could have shown you a picture of
my grandfather with the drafting committee, if I had it. The
photograph is now with my niece." "He came to Bangalore as soon as he
passed the Mysore Civil Service examination and started working for
the Maharaja.

That was some time during first decade of the 20th century," noted
Sudha. "He steadily went up the steps to become the Dewan of Mysore.
By the time India became independent, he was retired. But he was
called to be on the drafting committee," she informed.

"I don't remember much since I was a little girl then," grinned Dr Sudha.

But she does remember what others told her about him — about how he
advised the Maharaja of Mysore to merge with independent India and not
to stay a princely state and how well he carried out urban planning as
the Dewan. "Jayanagar was planned by my grandfather, when my father
Lakshman Rau was the administrator of Bangalore Corporation," she
said.

She also remembers how her grandfather dressed immaculately for functions.

"He was a much disciplined man. When he attended European balls, he
looked perfect in well-tailored suits and when he went to the temple,
he wore the traditional silk dhotis," she said.

"Anyway, people don't remember the men from those times. Why just my
grandfather? Look at Gandhi. How much do people actually know about
him?" she queried, as she narrated a joke, "It's like the RK Laxman
cartoon, where a man pointed at Gandhi's statue and asked a boy who it
was. The little boy said, 'Ben Kingsley'."

elizabeth@expressbuzz.com


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[ZESTCaste] Forgotten fathers of the Constitution

http://www.zeenews.com/zeeexclusive/2010-01-25/598978news.html

Forgotten fathers of the Constitution

Updated on Tuesday, January 26, 2010, 00:39 IST

Shashank Chouhan

Say Constitution and the first image that conjures before the mind is
that of Dr BR Ambedkar- the chief of the drafting committee of the
Constitutent Assembly. Jog the mind a bit and you are likely to
remember that others like Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Dr Rajendra
Prasad, Maulana Azad etc were also a part of the history chapters that
tell us about how our Constitution, the lengthiest and probably the
most complicated one in the world, was written. They were truly, the
founding fathers of our Republic.

But there were others too. You don't think that the 395 articles in 22
parts, 14 schedules and 94 amendments and a total of 117,369 words
were written by just a handful of intelligent men and women, do you?
It was worked upon by 205 elected and nominated Indians from across
the country. As India completes 60 years of being governed in letter
and spirit by the Constitution, here is a quick look at the forgotten
luminaries who have got lost in the annals of history despite their
contribution in its formation.


Benegal Narsing Rau: The most eminent jurist of his time, Rau not only
played a key role in drafting the Constitution of India but also that
of Burma. He was appointed an advisor to the Constituent Assembly and
though was not part of the Committee itself, he was next to Amedkar in
his role. Rau, who was knighted in 1938 for revising the entire Indian
statutory code, was responsible for the democratic structure of the
Constitution and prepared the final draft. He went on to represent
India at the UN Security Council and was a judge at the International
Court of Justice in The Hague. He was a combination of hard work,
humility, search for perfection and erudition.

Saiyad Mohammed Saadulla: Representing Assam, Saadulla was a member of
the Muslim League. He was an eminent member of the steering and
drafting committees which worked under Rajendra Prasad and Ambedkar
respectively. He became the premiere of Assam twice and was knighted
by the British in 1928.

Dr Sachchidananda Sinha: An eminent Congress man, Sinha was chosen to
preside over the first session of the Constituent Assembly and his
name was suggested by Acharya Kruplani. In his inaugural address, he
asked the members to deeply study prominent Constitutions of the
world, especially the American one- a source from where eventually the
Indian Constitution borrowed a lot, including the principle of
separation of powers. He inspired those present by invoking Iqbal and
concluding with a quote from the Bible: Where there is no vision, the
people perish.


M A Ayyangar: He represented Madras and was a prominent member of the
steering committee. He was the first Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha
and was handpicked by Nehru to fill in the void left by the demise of
the first Speaker GV Mavalankar. He was a member of the first elected
council in India and was known for his phenomenal memory, Sanskrit
knowledge and a keen interest in culture. He also became the Governor
of Bihar in 1962.

N Gopalswami Ayyangar: An able administrator, Ayyangar was a member of
the rules, business, drafting and several other committees. He was a
lawyer-politician who represented Madras in the Constituent Assembly.
Ayyangar played a key role in the exposition of Article 370 and was
responsible for closing the differences between Sardar Patel and
Sheikh Abdullah.

Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar: A highly learned advocate who was thrice
the Advocate Gneral of Madras, Sir Alladi was personally asked by
Nehru to come on board the drafting committee. His contribution was
vast- ranging from how far the fundamental rights be untouched to the
defining of the privileges of the Parliament. Such was the respect and
awe for his that some of his words were included verbatim in the
Constitution.

G Durgabai: A criminal lawyer by profession and a feminist by virtue
(she founded what is today the Andhra Mahila Sabha), she was a member
of the steering and rules committees. An early participant in the
Freedom struggle, Durgabai made contribution in drafting and enacting
the Hindu Code Bill. She worked to include provisions for protection
of women and children against exploitation in the Constitution.

T T Krishnamachari: A Representative from Madras, he was also a member
of the drafting committee. TTK as he is more popularly known in
Chennai debated rigorously on uncontrolled freedom to individual. He
was actually an eminent member of the state Assembly and was sent to
the Constituent Assembly to attend the its debates. Later, he became a
part of it. TTK went on to become Union Finance Minister twice and
opposed the idea of a single official language- Hindi- for the whole
of India.

H C Mookerjee: A representative of Bengal apart from being the former
Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University and a prominent Christian,
Mookerjee was vice-president of the Constituent Assembly and Chairman
of the minority rights sub-committee and provincial constitution
committee. He began with suggesting reservation for the upliftment of
minorities in all fields including political but, after Partition,
changed his suggestion and limited it to provision for preservation of
the language and culture of minorities. This has been interpreted to
open educational institutes and other institutions by minority
communities.

K M Munshi: Representing Bombay, Munshi was one of the most prominent
members of the Assembly who was a member of 11 committees- largest
number for any 1 member- including the rules, steering and advisory
committees. The principle of granting every person equal protection of
laws was a result of Munshi and Ambedkar's joint effort. He was also a
votary of a strong Centre, leading to a structure which is Federal and
at the same time Parliamentary in nature. He is the founder of the
Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan which is one of the leading educational
institutes in India today. He also founded the Swatantra Party.

N Madhava Rau: A representative of Orissa, he served as a
constitutional adviser to the eastern states eventually becoming a
member of the drafting committee.

B Pattabhi Sitaramayya: He fought Subhash Chandra Bose for Congress
presidency and lost even when Gandhi withdrew his nomination.
Sitaramayya was the chairman of the House Committee and was a member
of the rules, states, union subjects and provincial constitution
committees. He was a votary of the Directive Principle that asked
states to raise the level of nutrition and standard of living of
citizens. It was on his recommendation that Constituent Assembly
agreed to incorporate Articles 239 and 240 in the Constitution to
allow Part-C states functioning through a Chief Commissioner or
Lieutenant Governor (like Delhi).

These and many other members are not known till date but their
contributions made the Constitution of India a sturdy document that
runs the largest democracy in India. But, as Kuladhar Chaliha, an
assembly member from Assam said, it was an advantage since they 'could
look into [the drafting of the constitution] dispassionately and
produce the one that was necessary.'

On the occasion of India's 60th Republic Day, society must make an
effort to remember these forgotten fathers of the Constitution.


Shashank Chouhan

Say Constitution and the first image that conjures before the mind is
that of Dr BR Ambedkar- the chief of the drafting committee of the
Constitutent Assembly. Jog the mind a bit and you are likely to
remember that others like Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Dr Rajendra
Prasad, Maulana Azad etc were also a part of the history chapters that
tell us about how our Constitution, the lengthiest and probably the
most complicated one in the world, was written. They were truly, the
founding fathers of our Republic.

But there were others too. You don't think that the 395 articles in 22
parts, 14 schedules and 94 amendments and a total of 117,369 words
were written by just a handful of intelligent men and women, do you?
It was worked upon by 205 elected and nominated Indians from across
the country. As India completes 60 years of being governed in letter
and spirit by the Constitution, here is a quick look at the forgotten
luminaries who have got lost in the annals of history despite their
contribution in its formation.


Benegal Narsing Rau: The most eminent jurist of his time, Rau not only
played a key role in drafting the Constitution of India but also that
of Burma. He was appointed an advisor to the Constituent Assembly and
though was not part of the Committee itself, he was next to Amedkar in
his role. Rau, who was knighted in 1938 for revising the entire Indian
statutory code, was responsible for the democratic structure of the
Constitution and prepared the final draft. He went on to represent
India at the UN Security Council and was a judge at the International
Court of Justice in The Hague. He was a combination of hard work,
humility, search for perfection and erudition.

Saiyad Mohammed Saadulla: Representing Assam, Saadulla was a member of
the Muslim League. He was an eminent member of the steering and
drafting committees which worked under Rajendra Prasad and Ambedkar
respectively. He became the premiere of Assam twice and was knighted
by the British in 1928.

Dr Sachchidananda Sinha: An eminent Congress man, Sinha was chosen to
preside over the first session of the Constituent Assembly and his
name was suggested by Acharya Kruplani. In his inaugural address, he
asked the members to deeply study prominent Constitutions of the
world, especially the American one- a source from where eventually the
Indian Constitution borrowed a lot, including the principle of
separation of powers. He inspired those present by invoking Iqbal and
concluding with a quote from the Bible: Where there is no vision, the
people perish.

M A Ayyangar: He represented Madras and was a prominent member of the
steering committee. He was the first Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha
and was handpicked by Nehru to fill in the void left by the demise of
the first Speaker GV Mavalankar. He was a member of the first elected
council in India and was known for his phenomenal memory, Sanskrit
knowledge and a keen interest in culture. He also became the Governor
of Bihar in 1962.

N Gopalswami Ayyangar: An able administrator, Ayyangar was a member of
the rules, business, drafting and several other committees. He was a
lawyer-politician who represented Madras in the Constituent Assembly.
Ayyangar played a key role in the exposition of Article 370 and was
responsible for closing the differences between Sardar Patel and
Sheikh Abdullah.

Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar: A highly learned advocate who was thrice
the Advocate Gneral of Madras, Sir Alladi was personally asked by
Nehru to come on board the drafting committee. His contribution was
vast- ranging from how far the fundamental rights be untouched to the
defining of the privileges of the Parliament. Such was the respect and
awe for his that some of his words were included verbatim in the
Constitution.

G Durgabai: A criminal lawyer by profession and a feminist by virtue
(she founded what is today the Andhra Mahila Sabha), she was a member
of the steering and rules committees. An early participant in the
Freedom struggle, Durgabai made contribution in drafting and enacting
the Hindu Code Bill. She worked to include provisions for protection
of women and children against exploitation in the Constitution.

T T Krishnamachari: A Representative from Madras, he was also a member
of the drafting committee. TTK as he is more popularly known in
Chennai debated rigorously on uncontrolled freedom to individual. He
was actually an eminent member of the state Assembly and was sent to
the Constituent Assembly to attend the its debates. Later, he became a
part of it. TTK went on to become Union Finance Minister twice and
opposed the idea of a single official language- Hindi- for the whole
of India.

H C Mookerjee: A representative of Bengal apart from being the former
Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University and a prominent Christian,
Mookerjee was vice-president of the Constituent Assembly and Chairman
of the minority rights sub-committee and provincial constitution
committee. He began with suggesting reservation for the upliftment of
minorities in all fields including political but, after Partition,
changed his suggestion and limited it to provision for preservation of
the language and culture of minorities. This has been interpreted to
open educational institutes and other institutions by minority
communities.

K M Munshi: Representing Bombay, Munshi was one of the most prominent
members of the Assembly who was a member of 11 committees- largest
number for any 1 member- including the rules, steering and advisory
committees. The principle of granting every person equal protection of
laws was a result of Munshi and Ambedkar's joint effort. He was also a
votary of a strong Centre, leading to a structure which is Federal and
at the same time Parliamentary in nature. He is the founder of the
Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan which is one of the leading educational
institutes in India today. He also founded the Swatantra Party.

N Madhava Rau: A representative of Orissa, he served as a
constitutional adviser to the eastern states eventually becoming a
member of the drafting committee.

B Pattabhi Sitaramayya: He fought Subhash Chandra Bose for Congress
presidency and lost even when Gandhi withdrew his nomination.
Sitaramayya was the chairman of the House Committee and was a member
of the rules, states, union subjects and provincial constitution
committees. He was a votary of the Directive Principle that asked
states to raise the level of nutrition and standard of living of
citizens. It was on his recommendation that Constituent Assembly
agreed to incorporate Articles 239 and 240 in the Constitution to
allow Part-C states functioning through a Chief Commissioner or
Lieutenant Governor (like Delhi).

These and many other members are not known till date but their
contributions made the Constitution of India a sturdy document that
runs the largest democracy in India. But, as Kuladhar Chaliha, an
assembly member from Assam said, it was an advantage since they 'could
look into [the drafting of the constitution] dispassionately and
produce the one that was necessary.'

On the occasion of India's 60th Republic Day, society must make an
effort to remember these forgotten fathers of the Constitution.


------------------------------------

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[ZESTCaste] Karpoori disrespected, Dalits fooled by Nitish govt: Siddiqui

 

http://bihartimes.com/Newsbihar/2010/Jan/Newsbihar25Jan5.html

Karpoori disrespected, Dalits fooled by Nitish govt: Siddiqui

Patna,(BiharTimes): The Rashtriya Janata Dal on Sunday said that the
Nitish Kumar government had shown disrespect to former Bihar Chief
Minister and veteran Socialist leader, Karpoori Thakur, by not
mentioning his name in a book published by public relations department
of the state. Ironically the department is headed by his son Ram Nath
Thakur.

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[ZESTCaste] Nepal: Brahmin culture is prevalent among Brahmins, Madhesis and Dalits

http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=7074

Brahmin culture is prevalent among Brahmins, Madhesis and Dalits

Matrika Yadav
Former Maoist leader, Nepal
TGQ1: We have been told that you were expelled from the membership of
the Constituent Assembly? What is all this about? And tell us what
your demands are? Your personal opinions please Mr. Matrika Yadav.

Matrika Yadav: Well, I too got this news that I have been expelled
from the CA body through the Nepali media. I have been told that very
freshly the CA body in a haste cancelled mine and Mr. Jagat Yadav's CA
membership. Sensing that a game was being played against us, we filed
a writ petition at the Supreme Court. Last Sunday, the SC issued a
Stay Order against the decision of the CA body. We have at the moment
been in consultations with the noted legal practitioners.

It is not what we demand but is what rights we deserve rightfully. The
Maoists came up with the slogan of building of a new Nepal. The people
voted the Maoists and brought them to power. We were thus elected on
proportional basis and represented the Maoist party. The CA regulation
also has it that the membership of the CA will continue as long as we
do not renounce the party or form yet another party or join political
paraphernalia. However, we have done neither which could facilitate
the CA body to scrap our membership. They have formed a different
Maoists party, I would say so instead. We remain in the same party
where we belonged primarily. Thus there is no question of the
abrogation of our CA membership. This is what we want to say.

TGQ2: When the Maoist party unified with the Unity center-Masal, you
got bit annoyed and even said that you may quit the mother party for
good. However, why all of a sudden you appear to have developed a sort
of love for the CA membership? Mr. Yadav please.

Matrika Yadav: Yes! I had told then that I may even quit the CA
membership to work more for the party. Even if I was of that opinion,
rest of my party friends were not in a mood to renounce the CA
membership.

Understandably, the CA body today has become a platform to befool the
people and squeeze the national exchequer. Instead of writing a people
oriented constitution, bids are being made to curtail the fundamental
rights of the common citizens. People's aspirations were being
summarily ignored. Thus there is the need to expose these entire
negative trends at the CA platform. Our party has made efforts to
retain our CA membership. Even we two can influence both in the
domestic and international sector and tell the inner truth.

TGQ3: Have you then renounced or say quit the mother party for good?
Instead of strengthening the party, you began splitting the party. Why
it was like that? Mr. Yadav please.

Matrika Yadav: We had committed during the people's war that we will
go in for a sort of Complete Revolution. Later the party deviated from
its structured policies. The party or say the group which did not
recognize the Maoists, out party unified unfortunately with the same.
In the past, it was this party which ran away from unification
initiatives. It is a sort of crime to embrace the one which has ever
betrayed the people. They are all number one opportunists. They united
with our party when they saw that we-the Nepal Maoists-have emerged
victorious in the CA polls. It came as an act wherein opportunists
were rewarded at the cost of real revolutionaries. Not good. The party
instead of being made a front of the revolutionaries was transformed
into a mass party. Efforts were made to dissolve the People's
Liberation Army.

I have not quit the party, however, I preferred not to go their
preferred way. That's all about it.

I confronted the party internally for a long time. But my efforts were
all went to dogs. The party did not heed to my line of considerations.
I am not in favor of making the party a big one. Yes! I want a strong
and strengthened party. In the past, we have had several bigger
parties, the Maoist party was comparatively a smaller one. We became
bigger because we enjoyed people's support. Mao once had said that if
the political ideology and the direction acquired by the party were
right then at times miracles do happen. However, conversely, if the
direction is flawed then we lose even what we have in our possession.

That is why we have been losing what we gained during the decade long
People's war.

The people feel frustrated now. In the name of people's supremacy or
civilian supremacy and national independence, people are being made
fools.

TGQ4: What efforts you have been making as regards strengthening of
the party's organizational structure? Also tell us as to whether you
too have been forming a people's army? Mr. Yadav please.

Matrika Yadav: Yes! We are currently engaged in the expansion of
party's base at the grass roots. Those who believe in political
revolution will enter into our organization. I hope that the real
revolutionaries now in the Unified Maoists will join us soon. The
Unified Maoists began toeing the theory of consumerism and in the
process practiced Use and Throw of the Maoist militias. First, they
invited them to the become Maoist combatants and look now they all
have been leaving the cantonments with tears in their eyes.

I had said earlier that the reactionaries measure the length and
breadth of chest and hands, however, we measure the morale. The
Maoists militias were cheated. The Army was made a bourgeoisie one. We
will go to all those who have been displaced and convince them all to
join us-our front. We will organize them and proceed ahead.

As regards your supplementary question, each and every member of a
Communist party is an army in a broader sense. All the People's Armies
at times go to the war fronts and also perform organizational duties.

Currently we are forming the Armies and proceeding ahead with the
party's structured goals and objectives.

TGQ5: As far as we understand, you differed with the party's
leadership on matters pertaining to Madhesh. What are the real issues
that have been confronting Madhesh as such? We have been also told
that you have been talking with the Terai armed outfits. Is that
correct? Your opinions please.

Matrika Yadav: Question you raised is not the concerns of Madhesh as
such only but that of the entire country-Nepal. One can't dissociate
the issues that confront the nation at the moment. The issues of
Madhesh are very much linked to the concerns of Nepal as a
nation-state.

The entire nation is reeling under the foreign domination and the
Madhesh issues have been similarly trampled by the internal
colonialism, as I see it. The caste system as propounded by Manu sage
is very much prevalent in Madhesh.

Unless we bring out the country from the current mess and sort out the
issues plaguing the nation, neither can we get rid of the issues of
Madhesh nor that of the Pahad-Hills. The exploited Madhesis and the
Pahadis-the Hill people must in a united manner fight with the
exploiters and free themselves from the current oppression and the
repression. A sort of crusade is needed for this to happen. The
leaders who have been ruling Nepal come from the "ruling elite class".
The oppressed and the repressed ones are in a very limited numbers.

Let's not criticize the Brahmins but of the Brahmanism. This
Brahmanism culture is very much prevalent among the Brahmans, the
Madhesis and the Dalits. It is also present in some ethnic groups and
even in women folks.

We have several armed outfits in Madhesh. Some are genuine and the
rest could be taken as criminals. It is these armed outfits who are
not here for the liberation of Madhesh but a group of people who have
been adding more confusion among the population. They don't have any
program as regards the up liftment of Madhesh except killing,
abduction or say extortion is their main business. This is what I
presume. They don't have any political solutions with them. However,
some genuine organizations are there with whom we have initiated
talks. However, we have not reached to any agreement with them because
they want the vertical split of the nation and also prefer the
secession. That's all.

2010-01-27 07:08:48


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[ZESTCaste] Nepal: Madhes politics: Driven by greed

http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=14516

Madhes politics: Driven by greed
DIPENDRA JHA

Madhes politics is dominated by high-class landlords and the leaders
hardly realize the problems faced by a large chunk of landless,
homeless, unemployed and frustrated youths, daily-wage laborers, and
the like. The catch words Jay Madhes do not help the hungry buy their
staple food roti neither do they provide them with rojgari'i.e. jobs.
The Madhesi leaders have failed to prioritize the socioeconomic
hardships faced by the majority. Hence, the movement now looks more as
one aimed at satisfying the greed of a few rather than addressing the
grievances of the many. The strategic cooperation between the ruling
classes of the hills and ethnic elites ignores the socioeconomic
problems faced by the poorest and the most vulnerable marginalized
communities such as the Madhesi Dalits (Dom, Chamar, Dusad, Tatma, et
al) who are bearing the triple burden of class, caste and race. Giving
space to the genuinely oppressed can easily pose a threat to the
position of the power holders. This new form of elitism confines
resources and opportunities within a few high- and middle-class ethnic
actors, and have served to exacerbate conflict rather than resolving
it.

It is improper to project Madhesis as one homogeneous group. People
from various economic, social and religious backgrounds face very
different realities and challenges. These differing realities reflect
in the disparity of resources and opportunities available to men and
women, urban and rural dwellers as well as to those at different ends
of the economic spectrum. Identity has received recognition
overshadowing the socioeconomic problems faced by the majority of the
unemployed frustrated youths. That's why, despite the large presence
of Madhesi faces in the Constituent Assembly and the government,
violence continues to escalate in the Tarai. Killings, abductions,
death threats, extortions and road blockades have been affecting the
livelihoods and security of ordinary people. The impact of Madhesi
leaders' presence in power is limited as they represent only the elite
class. Frustration toward Madhesi politics is rising, particularly
because the local population is still deprived of basic human needs
such as food, employment and security.

For the Madhesi leaders, socioeconomic problems are not a priority.
They simply believe in the theory of power-sharing oblivious of the
problems experienced everyday by the local people. So far, the
movement has only taken forward the economic, social and political
interests of the leaders while overlooking the daily livelihood needs,
security, and structural discriminations faced by the poorest local
residents and individuals. Madhesi leaders have failed to notice the
structural factors of ethnicity, caste, gender, class, and its impact
on the daily lives of individuals. While taking the identity movement
ahead, they have overlooked the class-caste nexus and client-patron
relations.

It is widely perceived that the mandate of the Madhes movement has
been abused and misused by the same political elites who remained
dominant in all sectors of the state after the democratic change of
1990 while the socioeconomic conditions of the majority of Madhesis
have worsened. Actually, there has been not been an effective change
in the leadership. Is a new reform and restructuring possible with the
same traditional leadership at the helm? The security situation in
Madhes has been worsening while an increasing number of young people
are being recruited by armed groups. Despite this, Kathmandu still
believes that 'the underlying causes' of conflict in Tarai goes beyond
socioeconomic marginalization. While analyzing the ground reality, it
could be argued that a proximate cause of the armed conflict in Tarai
may be an interest in acquiring political power in the name of
identity crisis; however, the foundation that enabled violence to be
legitimized is primarily the scarcity of basic needs and the
frustration of the unemployed youth.

The sentimental agenda of 'One Madhes, One Pradhes' does not any more
receive public acceptance. Rather, Madhesis are vigorously looking to
have their own Mithila, Bhojpura, Kochila, Abadhi and Tharu states.
That is the reason why the Maoists were not accepted when they were in
Janakpur to announce their 'Madhes autonomous state'.

Overcoming the conflict in Madhes is almost impossible without
transforming the political culture. At the same time, changing the
political culture is easier said than done. It takes a long time to
uproot the culture of feudalism, which is a common characteristic of
the politics in Madhes. Additionally, it would be unrealistic to
completely overlook the role of ethnic elites. However, the
revitalization of voiceless and the poorest are crucial to resolve
conflict in Madhes.

dipjha@gmail.com

Published on 2010-01-27 01:13:32


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[ZESTCaste] Nepal: Special rights for Dalits in new constitution urged

 

http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=Special+rights+for+Dalits+in+new+constitution+urged&NewsID=223997

Special rights for Dalits in new constitution urged
Last Updated : 2010-01-26 11:23 PM
The Himalayan Times

Himalayan News Service

KATHMANDU: Speakers at a programme organised today in the capital
underlined the need to incorporate rights of the Dalits in the new
constitution and appealed to all to express solidarity in their fight
against caste-based discrimination and 'untouchability'.

Parshuram Ramtel, Constituent Assembly member representing Dalit
community, urged for special rights to Dalits so as to empower them in
the society.

He, however, said separate federal state for Dalits was not required
as they had settled in every nook and corner of the country.

Another CA member Ratna Lal Pariyar urged the government to scrap some
controversial clauses in the bills tabled in the House.

Nilambar Acharya, Constitutional Committee Chairman argued that since
the historical CA had space for all the marginalised communities and
Dalits, it would address all the issues in the new constitution.

"I disagree with the frequent allegations that CA has sidelined the
woes of Dalits," he added.

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